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Sabato 7 giugno 2008

Da John Walcott | I ricercatori di counterintelligence di reparto della difesa hanno ritenuto sospetto che i exiles iraniani che hanno fornito l'intelligenza dubbia su Irak e l'Iran ad un piccolo gruppo dei funzionari di pentagono potrebbero “essere usati come agenti di un servizio di intelligenza straniera… per raggiungere in ed influenzare i livelli elevati degli Stati Uniti il governo,„ un rapporto del comitato di intelligenza del senato ha detto l'aiutante superiore di Thursday.A alla allora-segretaria di difesa Donald H. Rumsfeld, tuttavia, ha interrotto la ricerca 2003 sui funzionari di pentagono' attività dopo soltanto un mese e l'ottone superiore del reparto della difesa non continuato mai raccomandazione sui ricercatori' per una ricerca più completa, il rapporto del senato detto.

La rivelazione solleva le questioni circa se l'Iran può usare un piccolo cabal dei funzionari nel pentagono e nell'ufficio del vice presidente Dick Cheney per alimentare l'intelligenza bogus su Irak e l'Iran ai policymakers maggiori nella gestione di Bush che erano desiderosi di spodestare il dictator iracheno.

L'Iran, che era un nemico mortale del dictator iracheno Saddam Hussein ed ha combattuto una guerra di otto anni sanguinante con Irak durante il suo regno, è stato il beneficiario primario degli Stati Uniti politica in Irak, dove i gruppi Iraniano-sostenuti ora fanno funzionare gran parte del governo e delle forze di sicurezza.

La ricerca abbandonata di counterintelligence ha sondato contatti di alcuni funzionari di pentagono' con il exile iraniano Manucher Ghorbanifar, quale il CIA aveva identificato “un fabricator„ in 1984. Quei contatti erano brokered da un civile americano, da Michael Ledeen, da un consulente in materia del Consiglio di sicurezza nazionale e di pentagono precedente e da un fautore principale di invasione dell'Irak e di overthrowing il regime islamico dell'Iran.

Secondo il rapporto del senato, l'unità di attività del campo di Counterintelligence del pentagono ha concluso in 2003 che Ledeen “era probabilmente unwitting di tutte le edizioni di counterintelligence relative al suo rapporto con il sig. Ghorbanifar.„

L'unità di counterintelligence detta, tuttavia, che l'associazione del Ledeen con Ghorbanifar “ampiamente è stata conosciuta e quindi dovrebbe essere presunto altri servizi di intelligenza straniera, compreso quelle dell'Iran, saprebbe.„

Stephen Cambone, allora il undersecretary di difesa per intelligenza, ha interrotto la ricerca di counterintelligence dopo soltanto un mese, il rapporto del senato detto.

Il rapporto del senato ha detto che i funzionari di pentagono non hanno continuato mai sui ricercatori' raccomandazione per un'analisi completa di se Ghorbanifar o i suoi soci provati “a direttamente o indirettamente influenzano o accedono agli Stati Uniti funzionari di governo.„

I ricercatori di counterintelligence hanno suggerito che gli Stati Uniti officials attempt “to map Ghorbanifar’s relationship within Iranian elite social networks and, if possible, his contacts with other governments and/or intelligence organizations,” but that effort was never undertaken.

The Senate committee also found that Pentagon officials concealed the contacts with Ghorbanifar from the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Pentagon officials also provided Senate investigators with an inaccurate account of events and, with support from two unnamed officials in Cheney’s office, continued meeting with Ghorbanifar after contact with him was officially ordered to stop.

The first meetings with Ghorbanifar, which were disclosed in August 2003 by the Long Island, N.Y., newspaper Newsday, took place in Rome in December 2001. They were attended by two Pentagon Iran experts, Harold Rhode and Larry Franklin; by an Italian military intelligence official, and by Ledeen.

On the Iranian side were Ghorbanifar, an unidentified Iranian exile from Morocco and an alleged Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps defector.

Among other things, the Iranians told the Americans about:

• Iranian “hit teams” they said were targeting U.S. personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.
• What they claimed was Shiite Muslim Iran’s longstanding relationship with the secular Palestine Liberation Organization.
• “Tunnel complexes in Iran for weapons storage or exfiltration of regime leaders,” and about the alleged growth of anti-regime sentiment in Iran.

Franklin, who, in an unrelated matter, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to prison in 2006 for providing classified information on Iran policy to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, passed the information about the alleged Iranian hit squads to a U.S. Special Forces commander in Afghanistan. Although a DIA analyst told the Senate committee that he couldn’t speculate on whether the information had been “truly useful,” Ledeen and Pentagon officials claimed it saved American lives, the committee said.During the Rome meetings, Ghorbanifar also laid out a scheme to overthrow the Iranian regime on a napkin during a late night meeting in a bar. “The plan,” said the Senate committee, “involved the simultaneous disruption of traffic at key intersections leading to Tehran that would create anxiety, work stoppages and other disruptive measures” in a capital city famous for its traffic congestion.

Ghorbanifar asked for $5 million in seed money, Franklin told the committee, and indicated that if the traffic jam plan succeeded, he’d need additional money.

“The proposed funding for, and foreign involvement in, Mr. Ghorbanifar’s plan for regime change were never fully understood,” the Senate committee said.

Nevertheless, Ghorbanifar’s proposals grew more ambitious — and expensive. A February 2002 memo from Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter Rodman referred to an unnamed foreign government’s support for a Ghorbanifar plan that would cost millions of dollars. A later summary referred to contracts “that would assure oil and gas sales in the event of regime change”. The U.S. ambassador to Italy said that DOD officials “were talking about 25 million for some kind of Iran program.”

After Franklin and Rhode returned from the Rome meetings, the Senate report said, two series of events began to unfold in Washington that were typical of the gamesmanship that plagued the Bush administration’s national security team.

“First,” the report said, “State Department and CIA officials attempted to determine what Mr. Ledeen and the DOD representatives had done in Rome, and second, DOD officials debated the next course of action.”

When the CIA and the State Department discovered that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar were involved, they opposed any further contact with the two. Ledeen’s contacts, the Defense Human Intelligence Service concluded, were “nefarious and unreliable,” the Senate committee reported.

According to the report, Ledeen, however, persisted, presenting then-Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith with a new 100-day plan to provide, among other things, evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that supposedly had been moved to Iran — Saddam Hussein’s archenemy. This time, the report said, Ledeen solicited support from former speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich and from three then-GOP senators, Sam Brownback of Kansas, Jon Kyl of Arizona and Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania.

Rhode and Ghorbanifar met again in Paris in June 2003 with at least the tacit approval of an official in Cheney’s office, the Senate report said.

He reported back to officials in the Pentagon and the vice president’s office, but “there is no indication that the information collected during the Paris meeting was shared with the Intelligence Community for a determination of potential intelligence value,” the report said.

McClatchy Newspapers 2008

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