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Abusadores Nos-Treinados das direitas humanas
Terça-feira, abril 21o, 2009
O presidente Barack Obama inverteu algumas das políticas as mais egregious de administração de Bush que violating direitas humanas e a lei internacional, tal como o fechamento anunciado do centro do detention em Guantánamo. Mas remanesce ser visto ao que extensão conduzirá às forças armadas para o respeito para direitas humanas, e muda o impunity institutional a que comandantes e ESTADOS UNIDOS americanos. os aliados militares tornaram-se accustomed. Último mês, os comandantes combatentes vieram antes do Congress fazer seu argumento para financiar. O almirante principal James Stavridis do comando do sul não hesitate dizer como os fundos críticos são para o treinamento militar, especialmente a escola anterior dos Americas (chamados agora o instituto ocidental do hemisfério para a cooperação da segurança). “O camaraderie desenvolvido entre nossos oficiais das forças armadas nestas instituições,” Stavridis disse, “e as escolas' ênfase forte em valores democráticos e respeito para direitas humanas são críticas a criar os estabelecimentos militares capazes de operações combinadas eficazes.” Mas que evidência é lá que as unidades militares específicas outras em 149 nações que recebem ESTADOS UNIDOS. auxílio treinando e outro respeita realmente direitas humanas mais após ter recebido o treinamento? A legislação sabida como de “a lei Leahy” desde 1997 proibiu ESTADOS UNIDOS. o auxílio às unidades militares extrangeiras que cometeram direitas humanas brutas abusa. Mas o foco está nos abusos cometidos antes que o auxílio esteja dado. Os Estados Unidos não conduzem nenhuma avaliação institutional dos impactos das direitas humanas de seu auxílio militar depois que deram. São os estudantes, ou o treinamento No fato, às vezes o oposto é verdadeiro. Um estudo da escola de graduados de Americas em 2005 encontrou que os soldados que fazem exame de mais de um curso na escola eram diversas vezes mais prováveis ter cometido alegada abusos do que aqueles que fizeram exame de apenas um curso. Um estudo 2006 pela MARGEM Corporaçõ encontrou que ESTADOS UNIDOS. o treinamento militar suportou as forças que continuaram a cometer violações brutas em Paquistão e em Uzbekistan. As reivindicações similares podiam ser feitas sobre o auxílio dado a Iraq e a Israel, para considerar dois exemplos óbvios. Em Colômbia, no Fellowship de dados revistos internacionais do Reconciliation e do Amnesty nas unidades de exército que recebem ESTADOS UNIDOS. auxílio - especialmente treinando. We found that nearly half (47%) of civilian killings reportedly committed by the army in 2007 were committed by units that had been reviewed and received U.S. assistance in 2006 and 2007. Many more were committed by units from which individual officers were drawn and received leadership and other training at U.S. military schools. Periodic evaluation is a basic prerequisite for any government program, but especially one that imparts lethal skills and equipment. As Congress’ comptroller, the General Accountability Office should study whether assistance is fulfilling U.S. human rights policy objectives. Instead its reports focus on limited questions of efficiency in the use of funds. A GAO evaluation of Plan Colombia last year, for example, that was two years in the making, didn’t once address the impacts on respect for human rights - for good or bad - of the $5 billion in U.S. military aid to Colombia since 2000. In Colombia, progress on human rights is measured by macro-factors, such as overall levels of political violence, instead of by violations by the institutions that were directly assisted by the United States or by the extent that those violations were prosecuted in civilian courts. The result is that, while political violence has diminished as a result of dominion by the State and - in many areas - the mafia, over insurgent groups, killings of civilians by the Army trained and equipped by the United States has risen dramatically, 72% since 2002. The Colombian military’s long history of gross human rights abuses should have suggested long ago that the departments of State and Defense evaluate their military training for human rights. But although international military training aims to “emphasize an understanding of internationally recognized human rights,” the military doesn’t evaluate human rights performance, either. The U.S. Southern Command, for example, typically measures success of training by promotions of officers receiving assistance, by the officers’ positive image of the United States, and whether they rise to positions of prominence such as defense attaché, or even the presidency. Addressing the Problem Periodic evaluation of the human rights performance of military training beneficiaries could draw on information already gathered by U.S. embassies from local courts, human rights NGOs, intelligence and enforcement agencies, and media reports. Basic criteria for evaluation should include whether there are credible reports of beneficiaries or troops under their command committing gross human rights abuses, and whether civilian courts are successfully trying those crimes. This evaluation should be transparent and made available to the public, and it should apply to assistance given through the Defense Department and other agencies, as well as the State Department. Policymakers aren’t given to asking “why” questions. In the case of the human rights performance of client armies viewed as strategic allies, however, we should all be asking: If the United States is excluding abusive units from assistance, and training the rest in human rights, why so many of these armies continue abuse and kill their civilian compatriots? In the meantime, where the results of U.S. assistance are executions, torture, forced displacement, and other violations, the Obama administration should terminate military aid and cooperation. © 2009 Foreign Policy In Focus Have Your Say: US-Trained Human Rights Abusers Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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