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저희 훈련된 인권 남용자
화요일, 2009년 4월 제 21
Guantánamo에 있는 단기 소년원의 알려진 마감과 같은 인권 그리고 국제법을 위반해 Barack Obama 대통령에 의하여 부시 행정부의 가장 지독한 정책의 약간이 반전했다. 그러나 그가 인권 존중으로 군을 지도할지 어느 정도까지 두고 볼 일, 미국 지휘관 및 미국 제도 무사를 바꾸거든. 군 맹방은 익숙해졌다. 지난 달, 전투원 지휘관은 의회의 앞에 funding에 대해서 그들의 정당화하기 위하여 왔다. 제임스 Stavridis 남쪽 명령 주요한 제독은, (지금 안보 협력을 위한 서반구 학회이라고 칭하는) 아메리카의 특히 이전 학교 긴요한 기금이 군사 훈련을 위해 어떻게 인지 말하는 것을 망설이지 않았다. "이 기관에 우리의 육군 장교 중 개발된 우정,"는 Stavridis 밝혔다, "학교' 민주주의 가치에 강한 강조 및 인권 존중은 중대하다 효과적인 연합 작전 도 할 수 있는 군부 창조에." 그러나 무슨 기록이 거기 미국을 받는 149의 다른 국가에 있는 특정한 군대 인. 훈련을 받기 후에 실제로 훈련 및 다른 원조 존경 인권 좀더? 1997년부터 "Leahy 법률로" 알려져 있는 입법은 미국을 금지했다. 심한 인권 남용을 행한 외국 군대에 원조. 그러나 초점은 행한 남용에 원조가 주어지기 전에 있다. 미국은 준 후에 그것의 군 원조의 인권 충격의 어떤 제도 평가도 지휘하지 않는다. 그것 학생, 또는 훈련은 이다 실제로, 때때로 반대는 진실하다. 2005에 있는 아메리카 졸업생의 학교의 학문은 학교에 1개 이상 과정을 가지고 가 군인이 몇 추정되게 남용을 행하게 다만 1 과정을 가지고 간 그들 보다는 시간 할 것 같았다는 것을 것을이 발견했다. RAND Corporation에 의하여 2006 학문은 것을이 미국 발견했다. 군사 훈련은 파키스탄과 우즈베키스탄에 있는 심한 위반을 투입하는 것을 계속한 힘을 지원했다. 유사한 소유권은 2개의 명백한 보기를 고려하기 위하여 이라크와 이스라엘에 주어진 원조에 관하여, 주장될 수 있었다. 콜롬비아에서는, 미국을 받는 육군 부대에 화해 그리고 국제 사면 위원회 검토된 자료의 친교. 원조 - 특히 훈련. We found that nearly half (47%) of civilian killings reportedly committed by the army in 2007 were committed by units that had been reviewed and received U.S. assistance in 2006 and 2007. Many more were committed by units from which individual officers were drawn and received leadership and other training at U.S. military schools. Periodic evaluation is a basic prerequisite for any government program, but especially one that imparts lethal skills and equipment. As Congress’ comptroller, the General Accountability Office should study whether assistance is fulfilling U.S. human rights policy objectives. Instead its reports focus on limited questions of efficiency in the use of funds. A GAO evaluation of Plan Colombia last year, for example, that was two years in the making, didn’t once address the impacts on respect for human rights - for good or bad - of the $5 billion in U.S. military aid to Colombia since 2000. In Colombia, progress on human rights is measured by macro-factors, such as overall levels of political violence, instead of by violations by the institutions that were directly assisted by the United States or by the extent that those violations were prosecuted in civilian courts. The result is that, while political violence has diminished as a result of dominion by the State and - in many areas - the mafia, over insurgent groups, killings of civilians by the Army trained and equipped by the United States has risen dramatically, 72% since 2002. The Colombian military’s long history of gross human rights abuses should have suggested long ago that the departments of State and Defense evaluate their military training for human rights. But although international military training aims to “emphasize an understanding of internationally recognized human rights,” the military doesn’t evaluate human rights performance, either. The U.S. Southern Command, for example, typically measures success of training by promotions of officers receiving assistance, by the officers’ positive image of the United States, and whether they rise to positions of prominence such as defense attaché, or even the presidency. Addressing the Problem Periodic evaluation of the human rights performance of military training beneficiaries could draw on information already gathered by U.S. embassies from local courts, human rights NGOs, intelligence and enforcement agencies, and media reports. Basic criteria for evaluation should include whether there are credible reports of beneficiaries or troops under their command committing gross human rights abuses, and whether civilian courts are successfully trying those crimes. This evaluation should be transparent and made available to the public, and it should apply to assistance given through the Defense Department and other agencies, as well as the State Department. Policymakers aren’t given to asking “why” questions. In the case of the human rights performance of client armies viewed as strategic allies, however, we should all be asking: If the United States is excluding abusive units from assistance, and training the rest in human rights, why so many of these armies continue abuse and kill their civilian compatriots? In the meantime, where the results of U.S. assistance are executions, torture, forced displacement, and other violations, the Obama administration should terminate military aid and cooperation. © 2009 Foreign Policy In Focus Have Your Say: US-Trained Human Rights Abusers Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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