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  | Translate: 翻译：               The Legal Advice to Wage War on Iraq was not just “sexed-up”, it was concocted法律咨询工资伊拉克战争不仅是“夸大”的，有人炮制 Saturday, November 29th, 2008 星期六， 2008年一十一月二十九日
By C Stephen Frost | 用C斯蒂芬弗罗斯特| Mary Bedworth, Christopher Burns-Cox, Lou Coatney and David Halpin co-signed this article, which appeared as a commentary in The Guardian following the publication of an article by Richard Norton Taylor (see below). 玛丽彼得沃尔斯，克里斯托弗伯恩斯，考克斯，楼Coatney和大卫哈尔平共同签署了此文章，这似乎是评论中卫发表后的文章理查德诺顿泰勒（见下文） 。
Iraq war: Time for a full inquiry 伊拉克战争：时间进行全面调查 Some of this scepticism is well-founded. 有些怀疑是有根据的。 But not all of it. 但是，并非所有的。 In the first place, Lord Bingham is not just any old lawyer. 首先，宾厄姆勋爵不仅是旧的律师。 He is the most senior judge of the modern era. 他是最高级法官的现代的时代。 He is regarded by many as its finest legal mind. 他是许多人认为，优秀的法律铭记。 Though Lord Bingham only retired a few weeks ago, he has been at the pinnacle of English law-making for a decade and a half and has clearly been pondering the war’s legality for years. 虽然宾厄姆勋爵退休不仅在几个星期前，他一直在巅峰英文法律制定了10年半和已明确一直在思考战争的合法性多年。 It may raise some eyebrows that he should be so quick to engage on this supremely divisive issue so soon after leaving the bench - but if the issue is so important, why not? 它可能引起一些眉毛，他应该这么快就参与这个极具分歧的问题后这么快就离开替补席-但是，如果这个问题是如此重要，为什么不呢？ The simple fact is that, when Lord Bingham speaks on the law, it is always a good idea to listen. 一个简单的事实是，当谈到宾厄姆勋爵的法律，它始终是一个好主意听。 Just because it is now more than five years since the attorney general, Lord Goldsmith, advised that an invasion would be lawful, it does not follow that his advice or the decision are less controversial or momentous now than they were in 2003. 只是因为现在是五年多以来，总检察长戈德史密斯勋爵，通知说，入侵将是合法的，但这并不意味着他的意见或决定是争议较少或重大现在比他们在2003年。 It is hard to think of a more serious decision than one to go to war. 这是很难想像的更严重的不止一个决定对伊拉克发动战争。 Particularly in circumstances other than national self-defence, it is essential to know what is lawful and what is not. 尤其是在情况以外的其他国家进行自卫，但关键是要了解什么是合法的，哪些不是。 In a world increasingly and rightly regulated by international law, all nations need to be clear about the lawfulness of war and the obligation to obey that law. 在这个世界上越来越多地和正确地受国际法，所有国家都必须清楚了解的合法性的战争和义务服从法律。 Lord Bingham’s conclusion that the Iraq invasion was “a serious violation of international law and the rule of law” - which ministers are required to uphold - has already been vigorously challenged by Lord Goldsmith and Jack Straw. 宾厄姆勋爵的结论，即美国入侵伊拉克是“一个严重违反了国际法和法治的” -这部长必须坚持-已经大力挑战戈德史密斯勋爵和斯特劳。 Yet this is such a serious subject, with such immense implications for Britain’s standing, that the argument cannot be allowed to rest there. 然而，这是一个严肃的话题，这种巨大的影响，英国的地位，该论点不能让那里休息。 When such senior figures of the legal establishment are at odds in this way, it enhances the case for a full public inquiry into the lessons of the Iraq war. 当这些高层人物的法律设立不一致这样，它增强的情况进行全面公开调查的经验教训，伊拉克战争。 That inquiry should have been established long ago. 这项调查应已成立很久以前。 But when someone of Lord Bingham’s stature says the war was unlawful, the case for such a scrutiny, already compelling, becomes irresistible. 但是，当有人宾厄姆勋爵的地位说，战争是非法的，如此这样的检查，已经令人信服，成为不可阻挡的。 We make the following comments on the Guardian article and editorial: 我们提出以下意见的卫文章和社论： Look, it is this simple - the Intelligence was not just sexed-up, it was concocted - further, the legal advice was not just sexed-up, it was also concocted - so, “the supreme international war crime” (according to the Geneva Conventions) of waging aggressive war on a sovereign state, was indeed committed by Blair, Goldsmith, Straw, Hoon, Falconer, Morgan and others. 你看，这是这个简单-情报不仅是夸大的，有人炮制-进一步的法律意见不仅是夸大的，也有人炮制的-所以， “最高的国际战争罪”（根据日内瓦公约）的发动侵略战争对一个主权国家，的确是由布莱尔，戈德史密斯，稻草，胡恩，福尔克纳，摩根和其他人。 The British war criminals knew that Iraq posed no threat to the United Kingdom, and that a pre-emptive invasion of Iraq could not be claimed to be necessary in self-defence, which was why there was a need for the Intelligence to be sexed-up, nay concocted.英国的战争罪犯知道，伊拉克不构成威胁联合王国，而且先发制人入侵伊拉克不能声称是必要的自卫，这就是为什么有必要的情报是夸大，行动，不编造。 Furthermore, because the British war criminals knew that they could not obtain the further United Nations resolution required (if they were not acting in self-defence, as they knew they were not), it was necessary to sex-up/concoct the legal advice.此外，由于英国的战争罪犯知道他们无法获得进一步的联合国决议要求（如果他们不采取自卫行动，因为他们知道他们不是） ，有必要sex-up/concoct的法律意见。 Further, the then Chief of the British Armed Forces, Sir Michael Boyce, asked on 13 March 2003 for assurances from the Government that the proposed invasion was legal and that his forces would not be committing a war crime by invading Iraq.此外，当时的首席英国武装部队，爵士迈克尔博伊斯，要求3月13日， 2003年为保证该国政府提议的入侵是合法的，而且他的部队将不会犯下战争罪的入侵伊拉克。 That was why the Goldsmith 7 March 2003 written legal advice (which itself represented Goldsmith’s first change of mind), with all its caveats, had to be so drastically changed (with a little help from Lord Falconer and Baroness Morgan who had an unminuted meeting with Goldsmith at 10 Downing Street on 14 March 2003, at which the latter conveyed his “verbal view”) to the infamous 17 March 2003 Parliamentary Answer on a single sheet of A4, devoid of all previous caveats, purporting as it did at the time to be the definitive legal advice, when it was no such thing.这就是为什么戈德史密斯2003年3月7书面法律咨询意见（这本身就代表史密斯的第一个改变的心态） ，其所有的警告，不得不如此急剧的变化（有没有帮助福尔克纳勋爵和男爵夫人摩根谁了unminuted会议戈德史密斯在唐宁街10号于3月14日2003年，后者转达了他的“口头意见” ） ，以臭名昭著的2003年3月17议会答单一资产负债表的A4规定，没有以前的所有警告，看来是因为它在时间是最终的法律意见时，没有这回事。 In any case, it was not for Goldsmith to decide whether Iraq had or had not complied with a combination of previous United Nations resolutions - that was always something for the United Nations to decide.在任何情况下，它不是为戈德史密斯来决定伊拉克是否有或没有遵守的结合以前的联合国决议-这是总会有一些联合国来决定。 The “legal advice” on the single sheet of A4 (which we are not even sure was written by Goldsmith) was what was shown to Sir Michael Boyce and the Cabinet.在“法律咨询”的单页A4规定（其中我们甚至还没有确定，由史密斯）是什么结果显示，迈克尔爵士博伊斯和内阁。 Robin Cook (former Foreign Secretary) resigned on 17 March 2003, and the second most senior lawyer at the Foreign Office, Elizabeth Wilmshurst, resigned the following day.罗宾库克（前外交大臣） 17日辞职， 2003年3月，第二次最高级律师外交办事处，伊丽莎白Wilmshurst辞职，次日。 Those two, Robin Cook and Elizabeth Wilmshurst, were alone in resigning - the rest, who could have made a difference, just sat on their hands.这两个，罗宾库克和伊丽莎白Wilmshurst ，单独在辞职-在其他方面，谁能够作出了差别，只是坐在自己手中。 As has previously been mentioned upthread there is no point in having a public inquiry, because the Public Inquiries Act 1921 was quietly repealed in the dying days of the last government and replaced by the odious Inquiries Act 2005. 由于以前曾提到upthread有没有什么意义了公开调查，因为公众问讯法是1921年废除悄悄地在垂死天的上届政府，取而代之的是可憎的问讯处的2005年法案。 It is unlikely that we will see the British war criminals on trial at the ICC in the Hague, but it is not beyond the bounds of possibility that any one of them could at any time be arrested in a foreign country and put on trial in that country using its own laws.这是不可能的，我们将看到英国的战争罪犯的审判在国际刑事法院设在海牙，但它并不是超越可能性，其中任何一个可以在任何时候被逮捕的外国国家和审判在这国家利用自己的法律。 So, for the rest of their lives, they will have to be careful where they travel.因此，其余的自己的生活，他们将必须小心他们的旅行。 Our suggestions are:我们的建议是： 1) A list should be drawn up of suspected war criminals - the usual suspects would be on that list, but the list could become rather long if one were to include those who were complicit by their inaction (for example, the Conservatives inexplicably as far as I have understood were not concerned about the existence or otherwise of WMD - they wanted regime change regardless (which of course is illegal). So, to isolate the worst culprits, it would probably be best to keep the list as short as possible, confined to the worst culprits, numbering say 10 to 15. 1 ）名单应制定的战犯嫌疑人-通常的嫌疑人将在这一名单，但名单可能会成为相当长的，如果之一是包括那些谁是他们的同谋无所作为（例如，保守党就令人费解正如我的理解是不关心的存在或其他大规模杀伤性武器-他们希望改变政权，不论（这当然是非法的） 。因此，孤立最严重的罪魁祸首，它可能会保持最好的名单尽可能短，仅限于最严重的罪犯，编号说， 10日至15日。 2) A fresh inquest into the death of Dr David Kelly should be secured - this could and should be secured using Section 13 of the 1988 Coroners’ Act, and would represent the best chance of getting the war criminals into a court of law giving evidence this time (unlike at the Hutton Inquiry) under oath - the Hutton Inquiry purported to be an inquest, but it was no such thing - Hutton was not granted any of the statutory powers which a coroner would automatically possess - for example, he did not even hear evidence under oath, and he had no powers of subpoena - further, a coroner can call a jury and he can have witnesses aggressively cross-examined (Hutton possessed no such powers). 2 ）新研成死亡的凯利医生应保证-这可以而且应该利用担保第1 3条的1 988年死因法案，将最好的机会让战争罪犯到法庭作证这个时候（不像在赫顿调查）宣誓-赫顿调查的看来是研讯，但它没有这样的事-赫顿是不给予任何法定权力，而死因裁判官将自动拥有-例如，他不即使听到的证据宣誓，他没有权力的传票-进一步，死因裁判官可以要求陪审团，他可以有积极的证人盘问（赫顿没有拥有这种权力） 。 Further, suicide must be proved beyond reasonable doubt (ie a criminal level of proof, which is a very high standard of proof) before a verdict of suicide can be returned - Hutton did not even hear evidence under oath, so it was never possible that he could be satisfied that suicide had been proved to the required standard.此外，自杀必须证明无可置疑（即刑事水平的证明，这是一个非常高标准的证明） ，然后作出判决的自杀可以返回-赫顿甚至没有听到宣誓证据，所以这是不可能实现的他可以确信，自杀已证明所要求的标准。 So, David Kelly’s death has not been subjected to the rigours of a proper inquest, and that is in flagrant contravention of English (and European) law.因此，凯利的死并没有受到严格的一个适当的调查，这是公然违反英语（和欧洲）的法律。 So, due process of law was subverted in the investigation of arguably the most important death to have occurred in the United Kingdom in our lifetimes, inextricably linked as Kelly’s death was to the United Kingdom’s highly dubious reasons for going to war with Iraq.因此，适当的法律程序中被破坏的调查无疑是最重要的死亡发生在联合王国在我们的有生之年，有着千丝万缕的联系作为凯利之死是联合王国的高度怀疑的理由去战争伊拉克。 The necessary urgent correction of this incontrovertible subversion of due process of law would provide the perfect excuse to get the war criminals in a court of law giving evidence under oath, under threat of charges of perjury were they to lie.必要的紧急更正这一无可辩驳的颠覆正当的法律程序将提供完美的借口，让战争罪犯在法庭上提供证据的法律宣誓，受到威胁的指控犯有伪证罪被他们撒谎。 The Coroner would have the power to subpoena any British citizen.死因裁判将有权传唤任何英国公民。 Here is the 7 March 2003 legal advice (which represented Goldsmith’s first change of mind): 这是2003年3月7法律咨询（这是史密斯的第一个改变心意） ： Here is the 17 March 2003 legal advice (which represented Lord Goldsmith’s second change of mind); 这是2003年3月17法律咨询（代表戈德史密斯勋爵的第二次变革的心态） ; “Here is the full text of the 17 March 2003 response: “这是全文2003年3月17答复： Authority to use force against Iraq exists from the combined effect of Resolutions 678, 687 and 1441. 管理局对伊拉克使用武力存在的综合效应第678 ， 687和1441 。 All of these resolutions were adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which allows the use of force for the express purpose of restoring international peace and security: 所有这些决议是根据第七章通过的联合国宪章允许使用武力表示，为了恢复国际和平与安全： In Resolutions 678, the Security Council authorised force against Iraq, to eject it from Kuwait and to restore peace and security in the area. 678号决议中，安理会授权对伊拉克动武，弹出它从科威特和恢复和平与安全领域。 In Resolution 687, which set out the ceasefire conditions after Operation Desert Storm, the Security Council imposed continuing obligations on Iraq to eliminate its weapons of mass destruction in order to restore international peace and security in the area. 在第687号决议，其中规定了停火条件后，沙漠风暴行动，安理会继续实施对伊拉克的义务，以消除其大规模杀伤性武器，以恢复国际和平与安全领域。 Resolution 687 suspended but did not terminate the authority to use force under Resolution 678. 第687号决议暂停，但没有终止的权力下使用武力的678号决议。 A material breach of Resolution 687 revives the authority to use force under Resolution 678. 物资违反了第687号决议再度授权使用武力的678号决议。 In Resolution 1441, the Security Council determined that Iraq has been and remains in material breach of Resolution 687, because it has not fully complied with its obligations to disarm under that resolution. 在1441号决议，安理会决定，伊拉克一直是并且仍然在违反第687号决议，因为它没有完全遵守其义务，解除根据该决议。 The Security Council in Resolution 1441 gave Iraq “a final opportunity to comply with its disarmament obligations” and warned Iraq of the “serious consequences” if it did not. 安全理事会第1441号决议给伊拉克的“最后机会遵守其解除武装的义务” ，并警告伊拉克的“严重后果” ，如果事实并非如此。 The Security Council also decided in Resolution 1441 that, if Iraq failed at any time to comply with and co-operate fully in the implementation of Resolution 1441, that would constitute a further material breach.安理会还决定在1441号决议，如果伊拉克没有在任何时间遵守和充分合作，在执行1441号决议，这将构成进一步重大违反。
It is plain that Iraq has failed so to comply and therefore Iraq was at the time of Resolution 1441 and continues to be in material breach. 这是平原，伊拉克已经失败，使遵守，因此，伊拉克当时的第1441号决议，并继续在重大违约行为。 Thus, the authority to use force under Resolution 678 has revived and so continues today. 因此，当局使用武力的678号决议恢复了，因此今天仍在继续。 Resolution 1441 would in terms have provided that a further decision of the Security Council to sanction force was required if that had been intended. 第1441号决议方面将有规定，进一步安理会决定制裁所需的武力，如果已经打算。 Thus, all that Resolution 1441 requires is reporting to and discussion by the Security Council of Iraq’s failures, but not an express further decision to authorise force.” 因此，所有的1441号决议要求的报告和讨论，安理会对伊拉克的失败，但没有明确作出进一步的决定，批准生效。 “ ANNEX 附件 Top judge: US and UK acted as ‘vigilantes’ in Iraq invasion 首席法官：美国和英国担任'民团'在伊拉克的入侵 by Richard Norton-Taylor 由理查德诺顿泰勒 Former senior law lord condemns ’serious violation of international law’ 前资深法律勋爵谴责，严重违反了国际法' 18 November 2008, The Guardian 08年11月18号的监护人 One of Britain’s most authoritative judicial figures last night delivered a blistering attack on the invasion of Iraq, describing it as a serious violation of international law, and accusing Britain and the US of acting like a “world vigilante”.英国最权威的司法人物昨晚发表了起泡攻击入侵伊拉克，认为这严重违反了国际法，并指责英国和美国的行动就像一个“世界民” 。 Lord Bingham, in his first major speech since retiring as the senior law lord, rejected the then attorney general’s defence of the 2003 invasion as fundamentally flawed.宾厄姆勋爵在他的第一次重要讲话退休后担任高级法律老爷，然后拒绝了总检察长的辩护2003年入侵作为根本性的缺陷。 Contradicting head-on Lord Goldsmith’s advice that the invasion was lawful, Bingham stated: “It was not plain that Iraq had failed to comply in a manner justifying resort to force and there were no strong factual grounds or hard evidence to show that it had.” Adding his weight to the body of international legal opinion opposed to the invasion, Bingham said that to argue, as the British government had done, that Britain and the US could unilaterally decide that Iraq had broken UN resolutions “passes belief”.矛盾迎头戈德史密斯勋爵的建议，入侵是合法的，宾厄姆说： “这不是平原，伊拉克没有遵守的方式证明诉诸武力，也没有强有力的理由或事实确凿证据表明它有。 “增加他的体重对身体的国际法律意见，反对侵略，宾厄姆说，争辩，因为英国政府一直在这样做，英国和美国可以单方面决定，伊拉克已经打破联合国决议”通行证的信念。 “ Governments were bound by international law as much as by their domestic laws, he said.政府的约束，国际法多达由本国法律，他说。 “The current ministerial code,” he added “binding on British ministers, requires them as an overarching duty to ‘comply with the law, including international law and treaty obligations’.” “目前的部长级代码， ”他补充说： “具有约束力的英国部长，要求他们作为首要职责，遵守法律，包括国际法和条约义务。 ” The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats continue to press for an independent inquiry into the circumstances around the invasion.保守党和自由民主党继续争取一个独立的调查，各地的情况下入侵。 The government says an inquiry would be harmful while British troops are in Iraq.政府表示，调查将是有害的，而英国军队在伊拉克。 Ministers say most of the remaining 4,000 will leave by mid-2009.部长说，其余大部分将离开4000年年中到2009年。 Addressing the British Institute of International and Comparative Law last night, Bingham said: “If I am right that the invasion of Iraq by the US, the UK, and some other states was unauthorised by the security council there was, of course, a serious violation of international law and the rule of law.处理研究所，英国国际法和比较法昨晚，宾厄姆说： “如果我的权利，入侵伊拉克，美国，英国和其他一些国家是违例安全理事会有，当然是一个严重违反了国际法和法治。 “For the effect of acting unilaterally was to undermine the foundation on which the post-1945 consensus had been constructed: the prohibition of force (save in self-defence, or perhaps, to avert an impending humanitarian catastrophe) unless formally authorised by the nations of the world empowered to make collective decisions in the security council …” “对于影响的单方面行动是为了破坏基础上， 1945年后的共识已经建造：禁止武力（除了自卫，或者，以避免迫在眉睫的人道主义灾难） ，除非正式授权的国家世界有权作出集体决定在安全理事会... “ The moment a state treated the rules of international law as binding on others but not on itself, the compact on which the law rested was broken, Bingham argued.目前国家对待国际法的规则为约束他人，但不能本身，契约，法律在于被打破，宾厄姆说。 Quoting a comment made by a leading academic lawyer, he added: “It is, as has been said, ‘the difference between the role of world policeman and world vigilante’.”竞标评论所作的主要学术律师，他说： “这是，作为一直说， '之间的差别的作用世界警察和世界民' 。 ” Bingham said he had very recently provided an advance copy of his speech to Goldsmith and to Jack Straw, foreign secretary at the time of the invasion of Iraq.宾厄姆说，他最近提供了一个提前副本讲话史密斯和斯特劳外交大臣的时候，入侵伊拉克。 He told his audience he should make it plain they challenged his conclusions.他告诉他的听众，他应该清楚，他们质疑他的结论。 Both men emphasised that point last night by intervening to defend their views as consistent with those held at the time of the invasion.两人都强调这一点昨晚通过干预来捍卫自己的意见符合这些在入侵之时。 Goldsmith said in a statement: “I stand by my advice of March 2003 that it was legal for Britain to take military action in Iraq.史密斯在一份声明中说： “我坚持我的意见2003年3月，这是法律对英国采取军事行动在伊拉克。 I would not have given that advice if it were not genuinely my view.我不会考虑这些意见如果不是真正的我的看法。 Lord Bingham is entitled to his own legal perspective five years after the event.” Goldsmith defended what is known as the “revival argument” - namely that Saddam Hussein had failed to comply with previous UN resolutions which could now take effect.宾厄姆勋爵的标题是他自己的法律角度看五年后的事。 “戈德史密斯捍卫所谓的”复活的论点“ -即萨达姆没有遵守联合国决议前可现在才能生效。 Goldsmith added that Tony Blair had told him it was his “unequivocal view” that Iraq was in breach of its UN obligations to give up weapons of mass destruction.戈德史密斯说，英国首相布莱尔曾告诉他，他的“毫不含糊地认为”伊拉克违反了联合国的义务放弃大规模杀伤性武器。 Straw said last night that he shared Goldsmith’s view.斯特劳说，昨晚，他同意史密斯的观点。 He continued: “However controversial the view that military action was justified in international law it was our attorney general’s view that it was lawful and that view was widely shared across the world.”他继续说： “但是有争议认为，军事行动是正当的国际法中是我们的总检察长认为，这是合法的，这种观点是广泛认同的世界各地。 ” Bingham also criticised the post-invasion record of Britain as “an occupying power in Iraq”.宾厄姆也批评入侵后，英国的记录为“占领军在伊拉克掌权。 ” It is “sullied by a number of incidents, most notably the shameful beating to death of Mr Baha Mousa [a hotel receptionist] in Basra [in 2003]“, he said.这是“玷污了一些事件中，最引人注目的是可耻的殴打致死的议员巴哈穆萨[一家酒店的接待员]在巴士拉[ 2003 ] ， ”他说。 Such breaches of the law, however, were not the result of deliberate government policy and the rights of victims had been recognised, Bingham observed.这种违反法律的，但不是故意造成的政府政策和受害者的权利已经认识到，宾厄姆发现。 He contrasted that with the “unilateral decisions of the US government” on issues such as the detention conditions in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.他对比说的“单方面的决定，美国政府”的问题，如拘留条件在古巴关塔那摩湾。 After referring to mistreatment of Iraqi detainees in Abu Ghraib, Bingham added: “Particularly disturbing to proponents of the rule of law is the cynical lack of concern for international legality among some top officials in the Bush administration.”在谈到伊拉克虐待被关押在阿布格莱布，宾厄姆补充道： “特别令人不安的主张的法治是玩世不恭的缺乏关注的国际合法性的一些高级官员在布什政府。 ” Have Your Say: The Legal Advice to Wage War on Iraq was not just “sexed-up”, it was concocted 你说：法律咨询，工资伊拉克战争不仅是“夸大”的，有人炮制 Please read our请仔细阅读我们的 posting guidelines before posting张贴在发布前的指导方针 . 。 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From one perspective the answer is: not very much.从一个角度来看，答案是：没有多大。 Seen from 2008, after all, the Iraq war is history.从2008年看，毕竟，伊拉克战争已经成为历史。 With the Iraqi government’s backing this week, the troops will soon be on the way out.与伊拉克政府的支持在本星期，军队将很快对出路。 Chastened by the whole experience, no western leader is likely to go down the Bush-Blair route any time soon. 352整个经验，没有西方领导人可能走布什布莱尔路线任何时候很快。 Like it or not, the original advice was sincerely offered and sincerely acted on.喜欢还是不喜欢，原来的建议是真诚地提出并真诚地行事。 And Lord Bingham is in any case no longer a lord of appeal.宾厄姆勋爵是在任何情况下，不再是一个领主的上诉。 In short, his Grotius lecture this week may be a powerful piece of legal reasoning.总之，他的格劳秀斯演讲本周可能是一个强大的一块法律推理。 But it is a footnote to a decision that cannot now be reversed.但是，这是一个脚注决定，现在不能得到扭转。