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Obama die wordt gedrukt om de Terugtrekking van Irak terug te trekken

Donderdag, 13 November, 2008

IPS? | De bevordering van Robert M. De poorten als secretaresse van Barack Obama van de Nieuwgekozen president van defensie schijnt om het belangrijkste element in een brede campagne door militaire ambtenaren en hun verdedigers in de politieke elite en de nieuwsmedia te zijn aan druk Obama in het laten vallen van zijn plan de V.S. terugtrekken. troepen van Irak binnen zo weinig zoals 16 maanden.

Ondanks subtiel en unsubtle druk om op zijn terugtrekkingsplan te compromitteren, echter, zal Obama waarschijnlijk om zich over Poorten over te gaan en vast op zijn campagnebelofte op militaire terugtrekking van Irak, volgens een goed ingelichte bron dicht bij het kamp te bevinden Obama.

Binnen 24 uren na de verkiezing van Obama, werd het idee van Poorten die als defensiesecretaresse blijven in een beleid Obama gedreven in de New York Times, die rapporteerde dat een „geval openbaar door kroniekschrijvers en commentators, en stil door Congresstemmen van M. te leiden wordt gemaakt. De eigen partij van Obama - dat M. De poorten zouden moeten worden gevraagd om als defensiesecretaresse, op zijn minst voor een overgangsperiode in de openingsmaanden van het nieuwe voorzitterschap te blijven.“

Wall Street Journal meldde Dinsdag die twee naamloze adviseurs Obama hadden gezegd Obama „naar“ het vragen van het verblijf van Poorten leunde, hoewel het rapport toevoegde dat andere kandidaten ook in het lopen waren. Het dagboek zei de Poorten sterk aan om het even welk tijdschema voor terugtrekking van Irak werden verzet, en het speculeerde dat een benoeming van Poorten „die M. kon betekenen. Obama schortte effectief zijn campagnebelofte op om de meeste troepen uit Irak door medio-2010 te verwijderen.“

Sommige adviseurs Obama hebben voor een benoeming van Poorten voor maanden gemanoeuvreerd. De vroegere Secretaresse Richard Danzig van de Marine hief openbaar het idee van op Poorten reprise in Juni en opnieuw begin Oktober. Danzig verteld verslaggeversOkt. 1, echter, dat hij niet de mogelijkheid met Obama had besproken.

De adviseurs van Obama die zijn de terugtrekkingsplan steunen van Irak hebben, echter, zich een benoeming van Poorten verzet. Het hebben van een defensiesecretaresse die niet volledig steunend van het 16 maandtijdschema is zou het zeer moeilijk maken, als niet onmogelijk voor Obama om het op de militairen af te dwingen.

Een bron dicht bij het Obama overgangsteam vertelde IPS Dinsdag dat de kansen dat de Poorten door Obama „worden benoemd nu ongeveer 10 percenten“ zijn.

De bron zei dat Obama met zijn chronologie van de 16 maandterugtrekking, ondanks de druk die nu gaat plakken worden gebracht om op hem te dragen. “There is no doubt about it,” said the source, who refused to elaborate because of the sensitivity of the matter.

Opposition to Obama’s pledge to withdraw combat troops from Iraq on a 16-month timetable is wide and deep in the U.S. national security establishment and its political allies. U.S. military leaders have been unequivocal in rejecting any such rapid withdrawal from Iraq, and news media coverage of the issue has been based on the premise that Obama will have to modify his plan to make it acceptable to the military.

The Washington Post published a story Monday saying that Adm. Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, opposes Obama’s timeline for withdrawal as “dangerous”, insisting that “reductions must depend on conditions on the ground”. Along with Gen. David H. Petraeus, now the head of CENTCOM and responsible for the entire Middle East, and Gen. Ray Odierno, the new commander in Iraq, Mullen was portrayed as part of a phalanx of determined military opposition to Obama’s timeline.

Post reporters Alec MacGillis and Ann Scott Tyson cited “defence experts” as predicting a “smooth and productive” relationship between Obama and these military leaders “if Obama takes the pragmatic approach that his advisers are indicating, allowing each side to adjust at the margins.” But if Obama “presses for the withdrawal of two brigades per month,” the same analysts predicted, “conflict is inevitable.”

The story quoted a former Bush administration National Security Council official, Peter D. Feaver, who was a strategic planner on the administration’s Iraq “surge” policy, as warning that Obama’s timetable would precipitate “a civil-military crisis” if Obama does not agree to the demands of Mullen, Petraeus and Odierno for greater flexibility.

Underlying the campaign of pressure is the assumption that Obama’s 16-month timetable is mainly posturing for political purposes during the primary campaign, and that Obama is not necessarily committed to the withdrawal plan.

Feaver, who has returned to Duke University, said in an interview with IPS that he did not believe such a crisis was likely, because, “It is unlikely Obama will come in and do what he said he would do during the campaign.” Obama has given himself “enough wiggle room to change the plan”, Feaver said.

Similarly CNN Pentagon correspondent Jamie McIntyre also reported Nov. 7 that Obama “gave himself some wiggle room” to respond to military demands for more flexibility. McIntyre said he had “pledged to consult U.S. commanders and adjust as necessary”.

Obama’s website makes no such pledge to “adjust” the timetable. Instead it says the “removal of our troops will be responsible and phased, directed by military commanders on the ground and done in consultation with the Iraqi government.” It defends the rate of withdrawal of one or two brigades per month and offers to leave a “residual force” in Iraq to “train and support the Iraqi forces as long as Iraqi leaders move toward political reconciliation and away from sectarianism.”

When Obama met with Petraeus in Baghdad in July, Petraeus presented a detailed case for a “conditions-based” withdrawal rather than Obama’s timetable and ended with a plea for “maximum flexibility” on a withdrawal schedule, according to Joe Klein’s account in Time Oct. 22.

But Obama refused to back down, according to Klein’s account. He told Petraeus, “Your job is to succeed in Iraq on as favourable terms as we can get. But my job as a potential commander in chief is to view your counsel and interests through the prism of our overall national security.” Obama defended his policy of a fixed date for withdrawal in light of the situation in Afghanistan, the costs of continued U.S. occupation and the stress on U.S. military forces.

Opponents of Obama’s plan outside the Bush administration appear to be unaware of the fact that the Bush administration has already given up the “conditions-based withdrawal” that the U.S. military has called for in agreeing to Iraqi demands for complete U.S. withdrawal by the end of 2011.

Feaver, the former strategic planner for National Security Adviser Stephen J. Hadley, said he assumes that, “if the U.S. agreed to it, it preserves the flexibility that Petraeus and Odierno say they’ve needed all along.”

But even the small loophole left in previous versions of the text, allowing the 2011 deadline to be extended if the pact were revised with the agreement of the Iraqi parliament, has now been closed in the “final” version which the Bush administration submitted to the Maliki government last week, according to a Nov. 10 report by Associated Press, which had obtained a copy of the text.

*Gareth Porter is an investigative historian and journalist specialising in U.S. national security policy. The paperback edition of his latest book, “Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam”, was published in 2006


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This entry was posted on Thursday, November 13th, 2008 at 6:25 pm and is filed under War & Terrorism News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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