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Door Erika Niedowski | WASHINGTON // Condoleezza Rice, de Staatssecretaris van de V.S., bood gisteren effectief afscheid aan een kritieke bondgenoot in de oorlog van de V.S. op terrorisme, Pervez Musharraf, en verbond de steun van de V.S. aan de nieuwe overheid in Pakistan en aan het ondersteunen van de democratische hervormingen van het land ertoe.

Mej. Rice riep M. Musharraf, die aftrad eerder dan om beschuldigingswerkzaamheden te bestrijden alhoewel hij de lasten tegen hem, „één van de meest toegewijde partners van de wereld in de oorlog tegen terrorisme en extremism“ ontkende en zei hij tot de „kritieke keus“ had gemaakt om van de V.S. lid te worden vecht tegen al Qa' eda en Taliban.

„Wij zullen met de Pakistaanse overheid en de politieke leiders blijven werken en hen aansporen om hun nadruk op de toekomst van Pakistan en zijn meest dringende behoeften, met inbegrip van stammend de groei van extremism te verdubbelen, richtend voedsel en energietekorten en verbeterend economische stabiliteit,“ Mej. Rice zei in een verklaring. De „Verenigde Staten zullen met deze inspanningen om het bereik van Pakistan te zien zijn doel om een stabiele, rijke, democratische, moderne, Moslimnatie te worden.“ helpen

Sommige deskundigen zeiden de berusting van M. Musharraf's, zelfs terwijl het inluiden van een periode van onzekerheid zowel in Pakistan als in Washington, de Verenigde Staten het nieuwe openen verstrekt om sterkere en constructievere banden met een strategische partner te smeden die ondanks de retoriek van Mej. Rice's niet altijd het betrouwbaarst is geweest.

„Het moet als kans worden gezien,“ bovengenoemde Karin von Hippel, co-director van het Project van de Wederopbouw van het post-Conflict op het In Washington gevestigde Centrum voor Strategische en Internationale Studies.

„Wij hebben een zeer fundamentele rol in de overgang vanaf Musharraf aan de coalitieoverheid gespeeld,“ zij zei, roepend het een „, achter de scènes“ stil rol. „Dit is een werk wij zouden moeten doen, en wij zouden het moeten gedaan hebben de hele tijd. Het gaat naar Diplomatie 101 terug - of het zou moeten zijn.“

Gegaan de persoonlijke band tussen George W Bush en M. Musharraf zal zijn. Maar ook gegaan de manier zal zijn dat af en toe geschenen plakt om als een soort schild tegen wat van de tekortkomingen van M. te dienen Musharraf's.

Pakistan, dat relaties met de Taliban overheid in Afghanistan na 11 September scheidde, arresteerde sindsdien honderden leden van Taliban en al Qa' eda. Het stelde troepen aan de bergachtige stammengebieden op dichtbij de Afghaanse grens en verleende kritieke steun voor de krachten van de V.S. en van de NAVO. The United States, in return, delivered billions of dollars of military aid.

But critics here have long said Pakistan has not done nearly enough to quash the groups and prevent suicide attacks, and they have questioned Mr Musharraf’s allegiance to the US cause. In seeking to keep Mr Musharraf, who seized power in a 1999 coup, as an ally, they say, the United States has been too willing to overlook his deficiencies.

Last month, things reached a breaking point of sorts when the United States alleged that Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency had aided in the planning of an attack against the Indian Embassy in Kabul. By late last week, the Bush administration seemed to be distancing itself from Mr Musharraf, saying Pakistan’s leadership was an internal matter.

Naeem Salik, a visiting scholar in South Asia studies at the Johns Hopkins’ School for Advanced International Studies and a retired brigadier general in the Pakistani army, said there has been some “unease” in Washington in losing the seasoned Mr Musharraf as an ally – if a not altogether reliable one.

But the two countries are on the path towards a continued strong alliance, Mr Salik said, even if under new leadership both in Pakistan and in the United States, which will also have a new president come January.

Mr Bush and the Pakistani prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, appeared together at the White House to say as much last month. The same day, a Senate panel approved a massive aid package worth US$7 billion (Dh26bn) over the next five years for non-military assistance, receipt of which will be linked to progress in internal reforms. John Kerry, a Massachusetts senator who was the Democratic Party’s 2004 nominee for president, called the funding a “down payment” in the fight against radical extremism in Pakistan.

Ms Von Hippel, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, does expect one change in the countries’ relationship. She expects that the new government will try to avoid the criticism that was ultimately one of Mr Musharraf’s downfalls: that he was too closely aligned with the United States.

“I think the new leaders are trying to demonstrate their independence from America,” she said, “because they really don’t want to be seen as being controlled by America.”

Recent language from Mr Gilani bears that out. Writing in The Washington Post in April, he pledged that while the elimination of terrorism will be his government’s top priority. “Pakistan must fight terrorism for Pakistan’s sake.” In other words: the war on terrorism must be Islamabad’s, not Washington’s.

Some of that might just be rhetoric. Pakistan knows it needs US assistance, Ms von Hippel said, not just to fight extremism within its borders but also to build its economy and democratic institutions.

“They know they need our help to make a lot of that happen,” she said. “They’ll still work very closely with us.”



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