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  | Translate: 翻译：               How to Find out the Hidden Secrets of the Bush Administration如何找出隐藏的秘密布什政府 Monday, December 1st, 2008 星期一， 2008年12月一号
In March 2001, US Archivist John W. Carlin received a letter from Alberto Gonzales, then counsel to the newly inaugurated president George W. Bush. 2001年3月，美国约翰W档案卡林收到了一封来自阿尔韦托冈萨雷斯，然后律师向新上任的布什总统。 It concerned an important deadline that was looming — one that Bush owed to Richard Nixon.它涉及一个重要的截止日期是迫在眉睫的-一，布什欠理查德尼克松。 In 1974, Congress ordered a lockdown on all records kept by the Nixon White House, afraid that the outgoing president would try to wipe out the paper trail of his disastrous second term and chastened by the recent destruction of decades’ worth of FBI files by the late director J. Edgar Hoover’s loyal secretary.在1974年，美国国会下令封锁所有记录尼克松白宫，恐怕即将离任的总统将设法消灭文件线索，他灾难性的第二个任期内和352个，最近数十年来销毁价值的美国联邦调查局档案的已故导演学者埃德加胡佛的忠实秘书。 That order was expanded four years later into a law requiring that all presidents’ papers — everything from briefings to personal notes and everyday communications between the president, vice president, and their staffers — be handed over to the National Archives twelve years after their terms ended for eventual public release.这是为了扩大，四年后变成了一项法律，要求所有美国总统文件-从简报，个人笔记和日常生活之间的通信总统，副总统，他们的员工-移交给国家档案馆12年后，他们的任期结束最终公布。 Ronald Reagan was the first chief executive to whom the Presidential Records Act applied, and his papers were due to be turned over to Carlin at the beginning of Bush’s term.里根第一任行政长官的人的总统记录法适用，他的论文，应移交给卡林在年初布什总统的任期。 Gonzales wanted Carlin to delay the release until June.冈萨雷斯希望卡林推迟到6月释放。 His letter didn’t say why, but Carlin agreed.他的信中没有说明为什么，但卡林表示同意。 Then in June, Carlin got another memo from Gonzales — Bush’s attorney now wanted until the end of August.然后在6月，卡林了另一个备忘录冈萨雷斯-布什的律师现在想在八月底之前。 Carlin agreed again.卡林同意了。 The extensions continued until November, when Bush issued an executive order: effective immediately, the release of presidential records would require the approval of both the sitting president and the president whose records were in question, rather than just the former.扩展一直持续到11月，当布什签发的行政命令：立即生效，释放总统记录将需要批准的现任总统和总统的记录问题，而不只是前者。 It was what open-government advocates would later describe as a two-key system: under Bush’s rule, Nixon could have buried the Watergate tapes without explaining himself to anyone.这是什么开放政府主张后来形容为两个主要系统：根据布什总统的统治下，尼克松可能埋葬的水带没有解释自己的人。 Bush’s executive order had little to do with any concerns of Reagan himself, whose estate has since shared his papers enthusiastically.布什的行政命令，几乎没有做任何关注的里根总统本人，他自房地产他的论文的共同热情。 Some administration critics theorized at the time that Bush was trying to shield from scrutiny his father’s vice presidential records, which were among the Reagan White House documents — but ultimately it wasn’t really about George HW Bush, either.一些管理理论批评的时候，布什是在试图庇护从审查他的父亲的副总统的记录，这是里根白宫文件-但最终没有真正的乔治H W布什，无论是。 It was about the new president and vice president, and the kind of government they intended to run.这是对新的总统和副总统，以及什么样的政府，他们打算运行。 Bill Clinton’s White House had been relatively obliging in matters of secrecy, handing over millions of pages of documents — down to the White House Christmas card list — when Congress demanded them.克林顿政府的白宫已责成在相对保密的事项，交出数百万页的文件-下降到白宫圣诞贺卡名单-当美国国会要求他们。 Things would be different under Bush.事情将根据布什总统不同。 “I think they thought Clinton was too open, had caved in to Congress too much,” Carlin says. “我想他们认为克林顿是过于开放，已经塌陷国会太多， ”卡林说。 “It was a different philosophy.” “这是一个不同的哲学。 ” Gonzales’s March 2001 memo was the opening salvo in a war over information, one that began in the earliest days of the Bush administration and will continue beyond its end.冈萨雷斯的备忘录于2001年3月的开幕式礼炮在战争的信息，一开始之初，布什政府将继续超出其结束。 The stakes, which no one could have predicted when the letter crossed Carlin’s desk, are now self-evidently enormous: when Bush hands over the keys to the White House in January, he will leave behind more unanswered questions of sweeping national importance than any modern president.事关重大，这没有人能够预料的信时，越过卡林的办公桌，现在言自明巨大的：当布什手中的钥匙，白宫在1月份，他将留下更多的悬而未决的问题的席卷全国的重要性比任何现代总统。 We still do not know how intelligence operatives, acting in the name of the United States, have interrogated suspected terrorists, and how they are interrogating them now.我们仍然不知道如何情报人员，的名义行事，美国的审讯恐怖分子嫌疑人，以及他们是如何审问他们现在。 We do not know how many Americans’ phone calls and e-mails were scanned by the National Security Agency.我们不知道有多少美国人的电话和电子邮件被扫描的美国国家安全局。 We do not know — although we can guess — who ordered the firings of the US attorneys who didn’t comply with the Bush administration’s political agenda, and we do not know who may have been wrongly prosecuted by those who did.我们不知道-尽管我们可以猜测-谁下令解职的美国律师谁不符合布什政府的政治议程，我们不知道谁可能已被错误起诉的人谁没有。 There are large gaps in our understanding of the backstories to everything from pre-war intelligence in Iraq to the censoring of scientific opinion at the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of the Interior.有很大的差距，我们了解backstories一切从战前伊拉克情报的审查意见的科学在环境保护署和内政部。 And those are the things we know we don’t know — there are also what Donald Rumsfeld might call the unknown unknowns.而这些事情，我们知道，我们不知道-还有什么唐纳德拉姆斯菲尔德可能要求未知的未知数。 The thought of revisiting this history after living through it for eight years is exhausting, and both President Barack Obama and Congress will have every political reason to just move on.想到重温这段历史后，通过它生活了8年的消耗，同时奥巴马总统和国会将有充分的政治理由只是继续前进。 But we can’t — it’s too important.但是，我们不能-这是太重要了。 Fortunately, an accounting of the Bush years is a less daunting prospect than it seems from the outset.幸运的是，一个会计布什岁是一个不太可怕的前景似乎比从一开始。 If the new president and leaders on Capitol Hill act shrewdly, they can pull it off while successfully navigating the political realities and expectations they now face.如果新的总统和领导人在国会山的行为巧妙，他们可以把它关闭，同时成功驾驭的政治现实和期望，他们现在的脸。 A few key actions will take us much of the distance between what we know and what we need to know.有几个关键行动将使我们的大部分之间的距离我们所知道的和我们所需要知道的。
Three months after Bush issued his presidential records order, a Justice Department attorney named Anne Weismann stood in front of Judge Emmet Sullivan in Washington’s district court.三个月后，布什发表他的总统记录秩序，司法部命名的律师安妮魏斯曼站在法官埃米特沙利文在华盛顿地区法院。 Weismann was defending Dick Cheney’s refusal to hand over the records from the energy task force meetings he had convened the previous year, which had prompted a lawsuit by the conservative legal group Judicial Watch and the Sierra Club.魏斯曼是捍卫切尼拒绝交出记录的能源工作组会议，他召开了由前一年，这促使了诉讼的法律组保守的司法观察和塞拉俱乐部。 Sullivan was irate.沙利文是愤怒。 “I get the feeling the government’s underestimating the seriousness of this case,” he told Weismann. “我觉得政府低估的严重性，这种情况下， ”他告诉魏斯曼。 Weismann had been a Justice lawyer for twenty years, and had appeared often in Sullivan’s court.魏斯曼了司法部的律师20年，并经常出现在苏利文的法院。 But this case was different.但是这种情况却有所不同。 “I’ve never seen him that angry — he wouldn’t even let me talk,” she recalled recently. “我从来没有见过他，生气-他甚至没有让我说话， ”她回忆最近。 The encounter made her rethink what she was doing.在遭遇，使她重新考虑她在干什么。 Weismann still believes that there were limited legal arguments to make in defense of keeping the energy task force records secret.魏斯曼仍然认为，有有限的法律论据，使国防保持能源工作组记录的秘密。 But what drove Cheney was something bigger.但是，切尼将是更大的东西。 The case would ultimately wind its way to the Supreme Court, after Cheney’s legal team claimed to Sullivan that executive privilege meant the White House didn’t have to hand over anything to the courts if he didn’t feel like it.该案件最终将风方式向最高法院提出上诉后，切尼的律师团声称沙利文认为行政特权意味着白宫没有交出任何东西向法院提起诉讼，如果他不觉得喜欢它。 But by the time the Supreme Court ruled in Cheney’s favor, Weismann was no longer representing the vice president.但是，当时最高法院裁定在切尼的青睐，魏斯曼已不再代表副总裁。 The day Sullivan read her the riot act in district court, she says, “was the point at which I said, ‘I have to stop doing this.’ ”这一天苏利文宣读她的骚乱行为区法院，她说： “是点上，我说， '我必须停止这样做。 ” Have Your Say: How to Find out the Hidden Secrets of the Bush Administration 你说：如何找出隐藏的秘密布什政府 Please read our请仔细阅读我们的 posting guidelines before posting张贴在发布前的指导方针 . 。 Alternatively或者 you can discuss this report here你可以讨论这份报告在这里 . 。 Related News 相关新闻
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