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Sábado, junho 7o, 2008

Por John Walcott | Os investigators da contra-informação do departamento da defesa suspeitaram que os exiles Iranian que forneceram a inteligência dubious em Iraq e em Irã a um grupo pequeno de oficiais do Pentagon puderam “ter sido usados como agentes de um serviço de inteligência extrangeira… alcançar em e influenciar os níveis os mais elevados dos ESTADOS UNIDOS. o governo,” um relatório do comitê da inteligência do Senate disse o aide superior de Thursday.A à então-secretária da defesa Donald H. Rumsfeld, entretanto, fechado abaixo a investigação 2003 nos oficiais do Pentagon' atividades após somente um mês, e o bronze superior do departamento da defesa nunca seguiu acima a recomendação nos investigators' para uma investigação mais completa, o relatório do Senate dito.

O revelation levanta perguntas aproximadamente se Irã pode ter usado um cabal pequeno dos oficiais no Pentagon e no escritório do vice-presidente Dick Cheney alimentar a inteligência bogus em Iraq e em Irã aos policymakers sênior na administração de Bush que estavam ansiosos para oust o ditador Iraqi.

Irã, que era um inimigo mortal do ditador Iraqi Saddam Hussein e lutava uma guerra eight-year sangrenta com o Iraq durante seu reino, foi o beneficiário preliminar de ESTADOS UNIDOS. política em Iraq, onde os grupos Iranian-suportados funcionam agora muita do governo e das forças da segurança.

A investigação abortada da contra-informação sondou contatos de alguns oficiais do Pentagon' com exile Iranian Manucher Ghorbanifar, quem o CIA tinha etiquetado um “construtor” em 1984. Aqueles contatos eram brokered por um civil americano, por Michael Ledeen, por um consultante do conselho do Pentagon anterior e de segurança nacional e por um advogado principal de invadir Iraq e de overthrowing o regime Islamic de Irã.

De acordo com o relatório do Senate, a unidade da atividade do campo da contra-informação do Pentagon concliu em 2003 que Ledeen “era provavelmente unwitting de todas as edições da contra-informação relacionadas a seu relacionamento com Sr. Ghorbanifar.”

A unidade da contra-informação dita, entretanto, que a associação de Ledeen com Ghorbanifar “estêve sabida extensamente, e conseqüentemente deve-se presumir outros serviços de inteligência extrangeira, including aquelas de Irã, saberia.”

Stephen Cambone, então undersecretary da defesa para a inteligência, fechou abaixo a investigação da contra-informação após somente um mês, o relatório do Senate dito.

O relatório do Senate disse que os oficiais do Pentagon nunca seguiram acima nos investigators' recomendação para uma análise detalhada de se Ghorbanifar ou seus associados tentado “a diretamente ou indiretamente influenciam ou alcançam ESTADOS UNIDOS. oficiais de governo.”

Os investigators da contra-informação recomendaram que ESTADOS UNIDOS. officials attempt “to map Ghorbanifar’s relationship within Iranian elite social networks and, if possible, his contacts with other governments and/or intelligence organizations,” but that effort was never undertaken.

The Senate committee also found that Pentagon officials concealed the contacts with Ghorbanifar from the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Pentagon officials also provided Senate investigators with an inaccurate account of events and, with support from two unnamed officials in Cheney’s office, continued meeting with Ghorbanifar after contact with him was officially ordered to stop.

The first meetings with Ghorbanifar, which were disclosed in August 2003 by the Long Island, N.Y., newspaper Newsday, took place in Rome in December 2001. They were attended by two Pentagon Iran experts, Harold Rhode and Larry Franklin; by an Italian military intelligence official, and by Ledeen.

On the Iranian side were Ghorbanifar, an unidentified Iranian exile from Morocco and an alleged Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps defector.

Among other things, the Iranians told the Americans about:

• Iranian “hit teams” they said were targeting U.S. personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.
• What they claimed was Shiite Muslim Iran’s longstanding relationship with the secular Palestine Liberation Organization.
• “Tunnel complexes in Iran for weapons storage or exfiltration of regime leaders,” and about the alleged growth of anti-regime sentiment in Iran.

Franklin, who, in an unrelated matter, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to prison in 2006 for providing classified information on Iran policy to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, passed the information about the alleged Iranian hit squads to a U.S. Special Forces commander in Afghanistan. Although a DIA analyst told the Senate committee that he couldn’t speculate on whether the information had been “truly useful,” Ledeen and Pentagon officials claimed it saved American lives, the committee said.During the Rome meetings, Ghorbanifar also laid out a scheme to overthrow the Iranian regime on a napkin during a late night meeting in a bar. “The plan,” said the Senate committee, “involved the simultaneous disruption of traffic at key intersections leading to Tehran that would create anxiety, work stoppages and other disruptive measures” in a capital city famous for its traffic congestion.

Ghorbanifar asked for $5 million in seed money, Franklin told the committee, and indicated that if the traffic jam plan succeeded, he’d need additional money.

“The proposed funding for, and foreign involvement in, Mr. Ghorbanifar’s plan for regime change were never fully understood,” the Senate committee said.

Nevertheless, Ghorbanifar’s proposals grew more ambitious — and expensive. A February 2002 memo from Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter Rodman referred to an unnamed foreign government’s support for a Ghorbanifar plan that would cost millions of dollars. A later summary referred to contracts “that would assure oil and gas sales in the event of regime change”. The U.S. ambassador to Italy said that DOD officials “were talking about 25 million for some kind of Iran program.”

After Franklin and Rhode returned from the Rome meetings, the Senate report said, two series of events began to unfold in Washington that were typical of the gamesmanship that plagued the Bush administration’s national security team.

“First,” the report said, “State Department and CIA officials attempted to determine what Mr. Ledeen and the DOD representatives had done in Rome, and second, DOD officials debated the next course of action.”

When the CIA and the State Department discovered that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar were involved, they opposed any further contact with the two. Ledeen’s contacts, the Defense Human Intelligence Service concluded, were “nefarious and unreliable,” the Senate committee reported.

According to the report, Ledeen, however, persisted, presenting then-Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith with a new 100-day plan to provide, among other things, evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that supposedly had been moved to Iran — Saddam Hussein’s archenemy. This time, the report said, Ledeen solicited support from former speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich and from three then-GOP senators, Sam Brownback of Kansas, Jon Kyl of Arizona and Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania.

Rhode and Ghorbanifar met again in Paris in June 2003 with at least the tacit approval of an official in Cheney’s office, the Senate report said.

He reported back to officials in the Pentagon and the vice president’s office, but “there is no indication that the information collected during the Paris meeting was shared with the Intelligence Community for a determination of potential intelligence value,” the report said.

McClatchy Newspapers 2008

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