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Constitutional Dead Letters宪法一纸空文 Thursday, November 13th, 2008 星期四, 08年十一月13日 by通过 Roger Roots罗杰根 | Historians of Soviet Russia occasionally note that the communist workers’ paradise was originally intended to adhere to a written constitution that expressly guaranteed freedoms such as speech, press and assembly. |历史学家苏联偶尔指出,共产主义工人天堂的本意坚持成文宪法明文保障自由,如言论,新闻和集会。 In practice, however, none of the freedoms guaranteed in the Soviet constitution were recognized in the country’s legal system, and millions of dissenters and suspected dissenters were imprisoned or killed for disagreeing with the commissars of the state.然而,在实践中没有保障的自由在苏联宪法中承认该国的法律制度,以及数以百万计的持不同政见者和被怀疑持不同政见者被监禁或死亡的不同意委员的状态。 The United States Constitution, by contrast, is thought to be in美国宪法,相比之下,被认为是在 good standing良好的信誉 . 。 Yet there are numerous provisions of the US Constitution that are never enforced.然而,有许多规定,美国宪法是从来没有强迫。 These provisions, analogous to “dead letters” in the US Postal System, are either totally ignored by federal judges or given such a narrow construction that they might as well not exist.这些规定,类似的“一纸空文”的美国邮政系统,要么完全无视联邦法官或给予这样一个狭隘的建设,他们也可能不存在。 As columnist and curmudgeon Joseph Sobran正如专栏作家和curmudgeon约瑟夫Sobran has written已致函 , the Supreme Court has, in essence, exercised a “line-item veto” over the document, totally ignoring provisions that interfere with the justices’ national vision or social objectives. ,最高法院在本质上,实行了“线项目否决权”的文件,完全无视规定,干扰了法官的国家目标或社会目标。 When the Supreme Court switched to discretionary certiorari in 1925 (thus allowing the court to pick and choose its own docket), the Court paved the way for a highly selective treatment of the Constitution.当最高法院切换到自由裁量卷于1925年(从而使法院以选择自己的案件) ,法院铺平了道路高度选择性治疗宪法。 While some constitutional provisions (eg, the First Amendment and the Fourth Amendment) are routinely accorded Supreme Court consideration, many others are almost completely ignored.虽然某些宪法条款(例如,第一修正案和第四次修订)经常给予最高法院的考虑,许多人几乎完全忽视。 It can hardly be a coincidence that all of the dead letters happen to place limitations on the scope and power of government.它可以几乎是一个巧合的是,所有的一纸空文发生地点限制的范围和权力的政府。 In contrast, the few provisions of the Constitution granting powers to government have been interpreted expansively.与此相反,一些宪法条款给予的权力,政府一直解释宽泛。 The clause giving Congress power to regulate interstate commerce, for example, has been interpreted by the courts to allow Congress to imprison people for acts that can be linked to either commerce or interstate activities only by a tenuous该条款给国会的权力,用以州际商业,例如,一直解释,法院允许国会监禁的人的行为,可与任何商业活动或州际只能由脆弱 series of conceptual inferences一系列的概念推论 . 。 There are even provisions which were included in the Constitution to limit government but which have now been interpreted to empower government.甚至有规定,被列入宪法,限制政府的,但现在已被解释为授权政府。 The Takings Clause, which states that no person shall be deprived of property “without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation,” was recently construed by the Supreme Court to give government at all levels near carte blanche power over all property.在征用条款,其中规定,任何人不得被剥夺财产“没有正当的法律程序;也不应私有财产应采取供市民使用,而公正的补偿” ,最近被认为由最高法院给各级政府附近无限权力,所有财产。 In a 2005 decision entitled在2005年题为决定 Kelo v. City of New London乐城诉新伦敦 , the Court reinterpreted the phrase “for public use” to mean for whatever use any government desires – including private use.法院重新改为“供公众使用”是指无论使用任何政府的欲望-包括私人使用。 Similarly, the Fifth Amendment Grand Jury clause was placed in the Constitution in order to limit government but has now been interpreted in a way that同样,第五修正案大陪审团的条款被安置在宪法,以限制政府,但现在已被解释的方式, empowers government政府授权 . 。 As the criminal law grew more complicated during the 1800s, courts began allowing public prosecutors to appear and discuss cases before grand juries (a practice strictly forbidden at the time of the Founding).由于刑法增长更复杂的19世纪期间,法院开始允许公诉人出庭和讨论案件的大陪审团(一种做法严格禁止的时候,建国) 。 This became embedded in grand jury practice by the 1900s.这成为植根于大陪审团的做法, 20世纪。 Today’s Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure state that prosecutors may be present before grand juries at all times and prohibit grand jurors from issuing independent presentments.今天的联邦规则的刑事诉讼法规定,检察官可以出席大陪审团面前在任何时候,禁止大陪审团发出独立presentments 。 There is nothing new about this insidious trend.有没有新的这种阴险的趋势。 The那个 Necessary and Proper必要和适当的 clause was originally intended to bind Congress to legislating only in ways that were “necessary” to carry out the few limited powers the national government had been granted.条款的本意约束国会立法的方式只能是“必要”进行权力有限几个国家政府已批准。 By the early nineteenth century, however, the Supreme Court had already interpreted “necessary and proper” to mean only “proper” – in the eyes of the government.到十九世纪初,但最高法院已解释“必要的和适当的”仅指“适当” -眼中的政府。 As Jefferson observed, “[t]he natural progress of things is for liberty to yield and government to gain ground.”正如杰斐逊指出, “ [吨]的进展,他自然的事情是自由的产量和政府获得地面。 ” Courts have increasingly subjected all rights mentioned in the Constitution to balancing tests, meaning that rights have become mere interests to be balanced against the (always pressing) interests of government.法院已日益受到提到的所有权利在宪法中的平衡测试,这意味着权利已成为单纯的利益来权衡的(总是紧迫的)利益的政府。 Thus, it is asserted that “no rights are absolute” and that courts may deny the application of a right where “the Government’s regulatory interest in community safety因此,声称“没有任何权利是绝对的” ,并且法院可以拒绝适用权,其中“政府的管理兴趣社区安全 . 。 . 。 . 。 outweigh[s] an individual’s超过[西]个人的 liberty interest自由利益 .” However, the Supreme Court has abandoned any pretense of balancing tests with regard to governmental powers (such as those found in the Tax Clause or the Spending Clause), for which the Constitution’s provisions are described as 。 “然而,最高法院已放弃任何借口的平衡测试方面的政府权力(如发现税务条款或条款的开支) ,而宪法的规定被称为 plenary全体会议 . 。 Some rights enshrined in the Constitution are rendered dead by the lack of any remedy to enforce them.一些人权写入了宪法呈现死亡没有任何补救措施予以执行。 For example, in 1974, the Supreme Court held that no taxpayer ever has standing to challenge the例如,在1974年,最高法院认为,没有以往纳税人有资格挑战 secret budget of the CIA机密预算的中央情报局 (which clearly violates Article 1’s requirement that “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by law; and a regular Statement and Account . . . of all public Money shall be published”). (这显然违反第1条的规定,即“没有钱应从财政部,但在拨款的后果所作的法律;和定期报表和帐户。 。 。的所有公共资金应予以公布” ) 。 Finally, there are newly invented “maxims” of law that have crept into modern jurisprudence by means of pronouncements that they are long-recognized.最后,有新发明的“格言”的法律,已经悄悄进入现代的判例的方式宣告,他们是长期的承认。 One such so-called maxim originated with Justice Stone’s “Footnote Four” in the 1938 case of这样一个所谓的格言源于司法斯通的“脚注”四在一千九百三十八案件 United States v. Carolene Products Company美国诉Carolene产品公司 . 。 Justice Stone proclaimed that most congressional enactments are “presumed constitutional” and will be struck down only if they blatantly contradict explicit constitutional protections.司法斯通宣布,大多数国会颁布的“推定宪法” ,将原来只有当他们公然违背明确的宪法保护。 Stone’s “presumption of validity” has been cited in dozens if not hundreds of appellate decisions to turn away constitutional challenges.斯通的“推定的效力”被称为数十甚至数百个上诉的决定,背离宪法的挑战。 As many scholars have pointed out, this “presumption of constitutionality” was enunciated nowhere in the many letters and speeches that punctuated ratification debates in the late 1700s.正如许多学者指出,这种“推定合宪”无处阐述的许多信件和讲话中不时批准的辩论中18世纪后期。 In fact, Founding-era voices more than occasionally expressed the opposite opinion.事实上,建国时代的声音超过偶尔表示相反的意见。 A widely-distributed editorial by Alexander White, a member of the First US Congress from Virginia, proclaimed (in opposition to proposals for a bill of rights) that “In America it is the governors not the governed that must produce their Bills of Rights: unless they can shew the charters under which they act, the people will not yield obedience.” Moreover, the Carolene Products presumption of validity can be said to overrule the plain text of the Ninth Amendment (”The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people”) as well as the Tenth Amendment (”The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution . . . are reserved to the States . . . or to the people”).一种广泛分布的编辑亚历山大白,一名美国国会首先从弗吉尼亚州宣布(反对提案的权利法案)说, “在美国,它是不是省长管辖的,必须出示票据的权利:除非他们能蔡坚的章程规定,他们的行为,人民不会屈服于服从。 “此外, Carolene产品推定的效力,可以说推翻纯文字九届修正案( ”列举在宪法中的某些权利不得被解释为否定或贬低他人所保留的人“ ) ,以及第十次修订( ”没有的权力下放给美国宪法。 。 。是保留给国家。 。 。或人民“ ) 。 A list of other recently invented “maxims” would include (1) Justice Robert H. Jackson’s proclamation in 1949 that the Constitution is not a名单其他最近发明了“格言”将包括: ( 1 )法官罗伯特杰克逊之于1949年宣布的宪法不是一个 “suicide pact” “自杀协议” (ie, it should never be interpreted to mean the government is not always in control), and (2) the doctrine of “harmless error” (invented in 1967 in (即,它不应该被解释为意味着政府并不总是控制)和( 2 )理论的“无害错误” (发明于1967年在 Chapman v. California加州查普曼诉 ) by which an appellate court may concede a constitutional violation but uphold a criminal conviction by proclaiming that the defendant would have been convicted even if the Constitution had been followed. ) ,其中上诉法院可能会承认违反了宪法,但坚持刑事定罪宣布,被告将已被定罪,即使宪法得到遵守。 There are also insidious doctrines such as也有阴险的理论,如 “sovereign immunity” “主权豁免” (which allows government agents to escape liability for illegal acts – on the ground that they are with the government) and the (允许政府官员逃避责任的非法行为-在地面上,他们与政府)和 “state secrets” “国家机密” doctrine (which deprives citizens of any redress by the assertion that proof of a constitutional violation would expose intelligence sources or methods), which are found nowhere in the text or the original understanding of the Constitution.理论(剥夺公民的任何补救的断言,证明违反宪法将暴露情报来源或方法) ,这是没有发现在文字或原始的理解宪法。 Of course, liberty dies incrementally, and the leviathanic government we see today took generations to bring about.当然,自由模具递增,并leviathanic政府今天我们看到了几代人带来。 It has been largely forgotten that the prohibition of intrastate liquor sales in the early twentieth century required a constitutional amendment (the Eighteenth) because policymakers and judges recognized that Congress had no constitutional authority to regulate intrastate sales of any commodity.它已基本忘记,州内禁止销售酒类20世纪初需要一个宪法修正案(第十八) ,因为决策者和法官承认,美国国会没有宪法权力来管制州际销售任何商品。 The Supreme Court even wrote in a 1932 decision that “sales of [ ] forbidden drugs qua sales” was “a matter entirely最高法院还写在1932年决定,即“销售[ ]禁止药品的销售条件”是“完全的问题 beyond the authority of Congress超越权威的美国国会 .” The recent 。 “最近 Gonzales v. Raich冈萨雷斯诉赖希 decision (upholding federal drugs laws as trumping California’s medical marijuana protections) highlights the fact that recent generations of Supreme Court justices have amended the Constitution without formal process.决定(维护联邦药品法律高于加州的医疗大麻保护)强调这样一个事实,最近几代的最高法院法官已经修改了宪法没有正式的进程。 A list of constitutional dead letters follows below.名单宪法一纸空文如下如下。 I honestly don’t know what weight to give some of the Bush Administration’s老实说,我不知道该怎么体重提供一些布什政府的 “unitary executive” “统一执行” practices such as its warrantless domestic eavesdropping and treatment of detainees at Guantanamo Bay, which amount to complete abdications of the procedural rights laid out in the 4th, 5th, 6th and 8th Amendments.做法,如其授权国内窃听和治疗被关押在关塔那摩美军基地,这无异于完全abdications的程序性权利中规定的第4 ,第5 ,第6和第8修正案。 (If such matters are considered, it becomes arguable that the entirety of the Bill of Rights is a dead letter even if some of the rights are partially recognized for some people.) The list enumerated below, to paraphrase the dead-lettered Ninth Amendment, should not be considered all-inclusive, and there are, no doubt, other dead-lettered constitutional provisions I have neglected to identify. (如果这些问题被认为是,就有理由认为整个人权法案是一纸空文,即使某些权利的部分承认,有些人) 。名单列举如下,以意译死亡字母九届修订,不应被视为包容一切的,还有,毫无疑问,其他死亡字母宪法规定我有被忽视的确定。
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