As Palestinians in the Occupied Territories begin preparations for local elections
which are scheduled for October, division and factionalism are rearing their
ugly head.
Palestinian political platforms and social media are abuzz with self-defeating
propaganda: Fatah supporters attacking Hamas’ alleged failures, and Hamas’ supporters
doing the same.
What is conveniently overlooked by all sides is that the performance of Palestinian
municipalities is almost entirely irrelevant in the greater scheme of things.
In the West Bank, local councils are governed by strict Israeli-PA arrangements.
Aside from very few chores, village and town councils cannot operate without
a green light: an endorsement from the Palestinian Authority itself conditioned
on a nod from the Israeli occupation authorities.
This applies to almost everything: from basic services, to construction permits
to digging of wells. All such decisions are predicated upon political stipulation
and donors’ money, which are also politically-motivated.
Blaming a local mayor of a tiny West Bank village that is surrounded by Israeli
military walls, trenches and watchtowers, and is attacked daily by armed Jewish
settlers, for failing to make a noticeable difference to the lives of the villagers
is as ridiculous as it sounds.
The local elections, however, are also politically and factionally-driven.
Fatah, which controls the PA, is buying time and vying for relevance. No longer
having a major role in leading the Palestinians in their quest for freedom,
Fatah constantly invents ways to proclaim itself as a relevant force. It can
only do so, however, with Israeli permission, donor money and US-Western political
backing and validation.
Hamas, which might endorse selected candidates but is unlikely to participate
in the elections directly, is also embattled. It is under a strict siege in
Gaza and its regional politicking proved costly and unreliable. While it is
not as corrupt – at least, financially – as Fatah, it is often accused of asserting
its power in Gaza through the use of political favoritism.
While one must insist on national unity, it is difficult to imagine a successful
union between both groups without a fundamental change in the structure of these
parties and overall political outlook.
In Palestine, factions perceive democracy to be a form of control, power and
hegemony, not a social contract aimed at fostering dialogue and defusing conflict.
Thus, it is no wonder that supporters of two Fatah factions, one loyal to PA
President Mahmoud Abbas and another to Mohammed Dahlan, recently clashed in
Gaza. Several were hospitalized after sustaining injuries.
Of course, a main case in point remains the civil war of 2007, a year or so
after Hamas won parliamentary elections. The Fatah-Hamas political culture failed
to understand that the…