Denying Palestinians Free Movement in the West Bank自由な動きを否定し、ヨルダン川西岸のパレスチナ
By Stephen Lendman |をスティーブンlendman | RINF rinf - This article summarizes an August 2007 B’Tselem report now available in print. -この記事は2 007年8月にまとめた報告書b 'tselem今すぐご利用を印刷します。 It’s one of a series of studies it conducts on life in Occupied Palestine to reveal what major media accounts suppress.ことの1つの一連の研究を実施することを明らかにパレスチナ占領下の生活にどのような大手メディアのアカウントを抑制します。 This one is titled: “Ground to a Halt - Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom of Movement in the West Bank.”この1つのタイトルは： "音を立てて止まる-パレスチナ人の否定を'運動は、ヨルダン川西岸の自由を。 " B’Tselem has a well-deserved reputation for accuracy and integrity. b'tselemには、当然の評判を精度との整合性です。 It’s the Jerusalem-based independent Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT).それはエルサレムベースの人権問題のために独立したイスラエル情報センターは、占領下のパレスチナ自治区（オプション） 。 It was founded in 1989 by prominent academics, attorneys, journalists and Knesset members to “document and educate the Israeli public and policymakers about human rights violations in (Occupied Palestine), combat (the Israeli public’s) denial, and create a human rights culture in Israel” to convince government officials to respect human rights and obey international law. 1989年に設立されたことは、著名な学者、弁護士、ジャーナリスト、国会議員を"ドキュメントおよび教育政策立案者、イスラエルの国民や人権侵害については、 （被占領下パレスチナ） 、戦闘（イスラエルの国民の）拒否し、人権問題を作成するイスラエルの文化"を説得する政府当局者の人権を尊重すると国際法に従う。
Its work is detailed, wide-ranging, carefully researched, and based on hundreds of testimonies and dozens of on-the-ground observations.その作業は、詳細、広範囲に及ぶ、慎重に調査し、数百人の証言に基づいて、数十人の地上観測されています。 For verification, it’s also cross-checked with relevant documents and other government sources.を検証、クロスチェックをすることも関連性の高いドキュメント、およびその他の政府筋です。 Work on this report was completed over a six month period in 2007.仕事をこの報告書が完成する2007年6カ月の間にします。 It included information from other reports, statements from political and military officials, petitions to Israel’s High Court of Justice, and media accounts.他の報告書からの情報に含まれるものは、ステートメントから政治的、軍事当局者は、嘆願書を、イスラエルの高等裁判所、およびメディアのアカウントです。
B’Tselem states: “For the past seven years (since the September 2000 Second Intifada began), Israel has imposed restrictions and prohibitions on Palestinian movement that are unprecedented in scope and duration.” It refers to hundreds of permanent and temporary checkpoints, other obstacles, physical barriers, and Israel’s Separation Wall (ruled illegal by the World Court) on confiscated Palestinian land. b'tselem州： "を編集して項目を7年（ 2000年9月以来、 2番目が始まったインティファーダ） 、イスラエルはパレスチナの課した制約と運動の禁止は前例のない範囲と期間です。 "それを参照して数百人の恒久的かつ一時的なチェックポイント、その他の障害物があり、物理的な障壁、およびイスラエルの分離壁（不法支配された世界法廷）を押収したパレスチナの土地です。
Free movement in the West Bank is severely restricted and nearly always entails “intolerable and arbitrary delays, much uncertainty, friction with soldiers, and often substantial expense.” B’Tselem stresses that throughout 2008, it will continue to focus on this topic - with new maps, short videos, and various “public education and advocacy activities to highlight” Israel’s unnecessary, outlandish and illegal restrictive measures.自由な動きは、ヨルダン川西岸とほぼ常に厳しく制限が伴う"耐えられないと、任意の遅延、多くの不確実性、摩擦軍兵士、および頻繁にかなりの費用がかかる。 " b'tselem強調して2008年を通して、それは継続してこのトピックに焦点を当てる-新しいマップ、ショートビデオ、および様々な"公教育と啓蒙活動を強調する"イスラエルの不必要な、異様な、違法な制限措置です。 People need to know, and B’Tselem intends to tell them.人々を知る必要が、 b'tselem意向を伝えるとします。
This is its 14th report on this topic since September 2000.これは、 14日に報告書を2000年9月以降、このトピックです。 Previous ones covered specific type restrictions like checkpoints, for-Jews only roads, and the Separation Wall.前のものカバーのような特定の種類の制限のチェックポイント、 -ユダヤ人のみ、道路、との分離壁です。 The one is comprehensive.の1つは包括的です。 It surveys all of them and their collective effects on Palestinians’ lives.それアンケートのすべてのパレスチナ人、かれらとその集団的影響を及ぼすの命です。
The measures aren’t new or restricted to the West Bank.新規または特定の措置が制限され、ヨルダン川西岸です。 They’ve been ongoing since the early 1990s and have undergone expansion and refinement ever since.彼らは1990年代初め以来ずっと継続して拡大と洗練されて以来受けています。 Until 1991, Palestinians (except small numbers designated security threats) could move freely throughout the Territories and were able to enter and stay in Israel during daytime hours. 1991年まで、パレスチナ人（小数値指定セキュリティ上の脅威を除いて）が自由に移動できるようにして領土とは、イスラエルを入力して、ご滞在中に昼間の時間です。 It helped Palestine establish social, cultural and commercial ties to its neighbor, Israeli Arab citizens in it, as well as between Gaza and the West Bank.助けを確立することパレスチナ社会的、文化的、商業的な関係にあるその隣、イスラエルアラブの市民はそれだけでなく、ヨルダン川西岸とガザ地区の間です。
During the January 1991 Gulf war, everything changed. 1月中に1991年の湾岸戦争、すべてが変更されました。 General permits were cancelled and replaced by new restrictive policies.一般的な許可証が欠航と新しい制限政策に置き換えられています。 Thereafter, all Palestinians needed (selectively authorized) permits to enter Israel and East Jerusalem.その後、必要に応じてすべてのパレスチナ人（選択的認定）許可証を入力し、イスラエルと東エルサレムです。 Checkpoints and barriers were erected for enforcement.チェックポイントと障壁が張ら施行します。 They’ve restricted movement ever since, and at times, like the 1993 killings of nine Israelis, became a general closure policy.彼らの動きが制限されて以来、時々 、殺害されたことを1993年9イスラエルのように、閉鎖政策全般になった。 All free movement was halted, Palestinians lost their jobs in Israel, few opportunities at home could replace them, and the Territories suffered great economic and social harm.すべての自由な動きが停止し、仕事を失ったパレスチナ、イスラエル、いくつかの機会自宅で置き換えることが、被害地域との経済的、社会的悪影響を与える素晴らしいです。
Closure also split the OPT into three areas: East Jerusalem, the remaining West Bank and Gaza.閉鎖もオプトインするに分割する3つの分野：東エルサレム、ヨルダン川西岸とガザ地区の残りのです。 After September 2000, Israel tightened free movement further and continues harassing and containing relentlessly. 2000年9月した後、イスラエルの自由な移動を強化し続けてより詳細な嫌がらせと執拗を含む。 Two main factors explain how: 2つの主な要因を説明する方法：
– Israel’s “ever-expanding settlement enterprise….along the length and breadth of the West Bank;” they’re on strategically chosen and most valued lands; in areas designed to contain Palestinian city expansions; further harmed by Israel’s (for-Jews-only) bypass roads that constrict, isolate and divide West Bank areas; and -イスラエルの"和解ますます拡大するエンタープライズ… 。に沿って長さと幅は、ヨルダン川西岸; "彼らは戦略的に選択した上で最も大切な土地;パレスチナの都市の分野に設計されて拡張;より詳細な害を受けたイスラエルの（ユダヤ人のためにのみ）のバイパス道路を収縮さ、ヨルダン川西岸地域格差を特定して、
– the effects of the Oslo Accords; they split the West Bank into three areas - Area A under Palestinian Authority (PA) security and civil affairs control; Area B under Israel security and right to restrict free movement; and Area C under total Israeli control, including on matters relating to land, planning and building; Areas B and C comprise 80% of the West Bank, including its main roads, so that lets Israel restrict movement how, when, for as long, and for whatever purpose it wishes over most of the Territory. -への影響は、オスロ合意;彼らにヨルダン川西岸に分割する3つの分野-エリアには、下にパレスチナ自治政府（パレスチナ）安全保障と民事制御;イスラエルB地域安全保障とされて自由な動きを制限する権利、およびエリアCイスラエルのコントロールされてトータルは、土地に関連する問題を含めて、計画や建築;分野BとC 、ヨルダン川西岸の80 ％を構成するなど、主要な道路、これを使ってイスラエルの動きを制限する方法について、いつ、限り、どのような目的のためにとの願いをほとんどの領土です。
After September 2000, its measures were hardened. 2000年9月した後、その対策を強化します。 It clamped down on free movement, isolated Palestinians in cantonized enclosures, and made a fundamental human right a privilege to grant or withhold as it pleases.クランプダウンして無料でもらえること運動は、孤立したパレスチナ人にcantonizedエンクロージャとは、根本的な人間の権利としての権限を与える権限を持つこと喜ばせる。 Its pretext is security but, in fact, that’s false.その口実は、安全保障しかし、実際には、それはfalseを返します。 The real aim is harassment, land grab, and a state-sponsored expulsion plan so Israel can seize all the land it wants for Jews only.本当の目的は、嫌がらせ、土地取得し、退学処分計画を国が後押しするためイスラエルのすべての土地を差し押さえること望んでユダヤ人のみです。 It’s gone on for decades and so far unchallenged by the world community.それは消えてなくなっても押されもせぬされ、これまで数十年間、世界のコミュニティです。 B’Tselem wants to stop it along with all other law violations so Palestinians can have their long denied justice they deserve and should get. b'tselem望むことを停止するとともに、すべての法違反が拒否されましたので正義のパレスチナ人が長いことが彼らに値するとすべきです。
Israel’s Means to Control Movementイスラエルの動きを制御する手段
B’Tselem divides Israeli control into three categories reflecting “different layers” of restrictive policy. 3つのカテゴリーに分けb'tselemイスラエルのコントロールを反映し"さまざまな階層"の引き締め政策です。 They, in turn, build on each other and are interrelated:彼らは、順番に、ビルドをお互いに相互：
– physical means to divert movement to certain passageways and roads and prevent access to others; -物理的な手段を迂回させる運動を特定の通路と道路とのアクセスを防止するその他;
– restrictions and prohibitions that first layer physical tools enforce; and -最初の層の制限と禁止を強制する物理的なツール、および
– the means to ease or tighten, selectively and under careful monitoring, second layer restrictions and prohibitions. -を強化する手段を容易にまたは、選択を慎重に監視され、第2層の制限と禁止します。
The essential idea is that in combination these layers represent a single control mechanism, all parts operate together, and determining their impact requires evaluating the combined effect of four types of control:の本質的な考え方は、これらのレイヤと組み合わせて1つの制御機構を代表する、すべての部品の動作を合わせ、決定に与える影響が必要に評価し、複合効果の4つの種類の制御：
(1) obstructions to deny access to main roads; they divert Palestinians to checkpoints where the army (IDF) supervises movement from one area to another or can deny it altogether; obstructions are in different forms - dirt mounds, concrete blocks, boulders, trenches, fences and iron gates; their numbers have gradually increased and in mid-2007 totaled 455 throughout the West Bank; they limit pedestrian and vehicular movement, and especially affect the elderly, the ill, pregnant women and small children; they’re even more restrictive in winter when water accumulation turns dirt areas muddy; （ 1 ）幹線道路の障害物からのアクセスを拒否する;彼らを迂回させる検問所でパレスチナ人の陸軍（英語IDF ）監督の動きを別の1つの領域からか、または完全に否定すること;障害物は、さまざまなフォーム-ダート墳、コンクリートブロック、石、塹壕、フェンスと鉄門;その数は徐々に増加- 2007総額は455と半ばにしてヨルダン川西岸;彼ら歩行者と車の動きを制限し、特に高齢者に影響を与えるのは、病気、妊娠中の女性や小さな子供たち;彼らはもっと冬のときに水を制限ダート分野の蓄積が泥だらけ;
(2) permanent staffed checkpoints; they’re fairly constant in number, and Israel has used them to some degree throughout 41 years of occupation; they gained prominence, however, after Israel cancelled general-entry (free movement) permits in 1991; they were then expanded during the Second Intifada; over time, they’ve become the most conspicuous occupation symbol and one of its most hated; （ 2 ）恒久的なスタッフのチェックポイント;定数彼らはかなりの数、およびイスラエルが使用されるいくつかの学位をして41年間の占領;彼ら得た隆起、しかし、予約のキャンセル後、イスラエル全般-エントリ（自由な動き）は1991年に許可証;彼らが拡大中に入力し、 2番目のインティファーダ;一定の期間、彼らは、最も顕著な職業のシンボルとなる1つの最も嫌わ;
– in mid-2007, 80 were in place of which 33 were the last inspection point before entering Israel along the Green Line; the other 47 lie inside the West Bank, some with control towers; seven are to transfer goods; they’re called “back-to-back” because merchandise is unloaded on one side, checked, then reloaded on another truck on the other side; operating times vary - many open at 6AM and close at night; others are staffed around the clock but limit crossings to “urgent humanitarian” cases; -半ばに- 2 007、 8 0は3 3の代わりにこれがイスラエルの最後の検査ポイントに入る前に緑色の線に沿って、他の4 7のヨルダン川西岸に潜んで、いくつかを制御塔; 7アールを転送する物品;と呼ばれる彼らは"背中合わせに"商品がアンロードするため、 1つの側では、オンにすると、別のトラックを入力し、リローデッドの反対側に;オペレーティング回ヴァリ-多くのオープンで、夜6時と閉じる;他の人のスタッフは常時、しかし、横断を制限する"緊急人道"のケース;
– movement restrictions vary from one checkpoint to another and always at Israel’s discretion; to pass, travelers must show proper ID or crossing permits; searches may be conducted; procedures are at the discretion and mood of soldiers; some checkpoints are for pedestrians only; others are restricted to commercial and public transportation. -運動の制限によって異なると常に1つのチェックポイントを別のイスラエルの裁量;を通過させ、適切な番号または横断旅行許可証を示さなければなりません;検索年5月に行われる;手続きは、気分の兵士の裁量;いくつかのチェックポイントは歩行者用のみ;他の人の商業や公共交通機関に制限されています。
(3) so-called flying checkpoints; they’re temporary, may be erected anywhere, and remain for hours or longer; in recent years, they’ve increased in numbers - from a weekly average of 73 in late 2005 to 136 in 2006 to about 150 in 2007 and at times up to 200. （ 3 ）いわゆるフライングチェックポイント;彼らは一時、 5月に建てどこからでも、時間以上かかると残って;近年では、数の上での彼らは増加-7 3から1週間の平均は2 006年後半に2 005から136まで2007年には約150倍と最大200です。 Again, the pretext is security, their real aim is to harass, and no one does it better than Israelis.繰り返しになりますが、安全保障口実には、彼らの本当の嫌がらせを目的とし、イスラエルの1つはそれ以上です。
Consider the effects of all checkpoints.すべてのチェックポイントの影響を考慮している。 Since September 2000, they’ve become “the main (source of) friction (between) Palestinians and Israeli security forces.” They generate tension, create uncertainty, deny or delay passage, humiliate and overall makes things intolerable. 2000年9月以降、彼らはなる"のメイン（ソース）摩擦（間）パレスチナとイスラエルの治安部隊です。 "彼らの緊張を生成、不確実性を生み出す、通過を拒否または遅延、全体的に恥をかかせると耐え難いものです。 They’re also degrading by demanding that males expose their upper bodies in public simply as a way to harass them.彼らは男性の公開を要求しても分解されて公共の上部機関に嫌がらせをする方法として、単純にします。
It gets worse by selective detentions in so-called “positions” - isolated holding areas for additional “security” checks that, in fact, are to punish and further humiliate; they can last hours, in exposed heat or cold, without food or water, and at times include physical abuse; many Palestinians are affected daily; Israel’s high command has full knowledge; the government does as well; nominal recommendations are made to stop it, yet abuse continues and few offenders are ever punished.居残りで選択されて悪化したいわゆる"ポジション" -孤立所蔵分野の関連"安全保障"をチェックし、実際には、より詳細な恥をかかせるのを罰すると;ことができます最終更新時間は、暑さや寒さにさらされる、 、食料や水、とタイムズは、身体的虐待;多くのパレスチナ人が影響を受ける毎日;イスラエルの高いコマンドが完全な知識; 、政府としてはよく;名目提言を行ったを停止するには、まだありません虐待まで続行され、いくつかの犯罪者は処罰される。
(4) the Separation Wall; in June 2002, Israel decided to build it; again the claim was security; in fact, it was separation and theft of over 10% of Palestinian land, including for-Jews only roads to connect settlements with Israel and other settlements; most of the Wall is completed; its planned length is 721 kilometers; only 20% of it lies along the Green Line; most of it runs deep inside the West Bank; near Jerusalem, it surrounds the Ma’ale Adumim settlements about 14 km into the West Bank on stolen Palestinian land; （ 4 ）の分離壁; 2002年6月、イスラエルを構築することを決めたこと;再度の主張は、安全保障;実際には、それが分離や盗難パレスチナの土地の10 ％を超えるなど、道路に接続するためのユダヤ人入植地をイスラエルのみおよびその他の入植地;ほとんどの壁が完了したら、その計画の長さは七二一キロメートル;のみの20 ％をそれに沿ってうそグリーンライン;ほとんどのことを実行するヨルダン川西岸の奥深く;近辺、エルサレム、入植地周辺のma'ale adumim約14キロを盗まれたヨルダン川西岸でパレスチナ人の土地;
– its route creates two kinds of Palestinian enclaves - villages and farmland between the Wall and Green Line (in the “seam zone”) on the Israeli side of the barrier; another area comprises villages on the Palestinian side that are surrounded on three or more sides because of the route’s winding path or that the Wall meets roads on which Palestinian movement is forbidden or physical obstructions prevent it. -そのルートを作成パレスチナの2つの種類のe nclaves-村や農地の間の壁とグリーンライン（は、 "縫い目ゾーン"）を、イスラエル側の障壁;別の事項は、村に囲まれて、パレスチナ側には3つ以上の辺のルートの曲がりくねった道のためには、壁や道路上でパレスチナ人の動きを満たしまたは物理的な障害物を防ぐことは禁止されています。
Physical restrictions and movement prohibitions give Israeli security forces more latitude, and they take full advantage through a fourfold layer of control:物理的な制約と運動の禁止与えるイスラエルの治安部隊の他の緯度、かれらを介して4倍の利点を最大限に活用層の制御：
(1) by imposing a siege to completely or partially prevent Palestinians from crossing to or from a certain area as well as isolating the area from other parts of the West Bank; it’s done with physical obstructions to block access and force residents to pass through staffed checkpoints; closing off the area facilitates sweeping movement prohibitions on specific classifications of people by gender, age or place of residence; the IDF claims their “risk profile” makes them “potential terrorists;” targeting them by siege is a frequently used post-September 2000 tactic; large areas of the West Bank have been affected; their degree of harshness varies; and areas like the Jordan Valley, Area A and cities like Nablus, Jenin, Tulkarm and Hebron have been especially impacted. （ 1 ）を完全に包囲され、または部分的なパレスチナ人からの交差点を防ぐため、特定の事項のいずれかから孤立の分野だけでなく、ヨルダン川西岸の他の部分から;もうおしまいに物理的な障害物をブロックする住民のアクセスと力を渡す検問所の職員を通じて;閉会する抜本的運動の禁止事項を容易に特定のクラスの人々を性別、年齢や居住地;の英語IDF請求の範囲に"リスクプロファイル"にして"潜在的なテロリスト; "包囲攻撃のターゲットは、頻繁に使用されることがポスト- 2000年9月戦術;大部分が影響を受けたことは、ヨルダン川西岸;その厳しさの度合いによって、および地域のようにヨルダン渓谷、および都市のようなエリアには、ナブルス、ジェニン、ヘブロンtulkarmとも特に影響を受けた。
– in December 2001, the West Bank IDF commander signed the Proclamation Regarding the Closure of Area (Encirclement) (Area A); it classified it as a closed military area, was unlimited in duration and still remains in force; in April 2007, a separate order was issued for Nablus restricting entry to and exit from the city to certain checkpoints; again the army claims it’sa security measure “to prevent terrorists and materiel from leaving Palestinian towns in Judea and Samaria….” -2 001年1 2月には、ヨルダン川西岸英語I DFに関する宣言に署名して司令官を閉鎖した事項（包囲網） （エリアには、 ） ;ことに閉鎖された軍事機密事項として、無制限には、時間と力が残っているが、 2 007年4月には、別の注文が発行を制限するためのエントリを、ナブルス市からの出口を特定のチェックポイント;再び陸軍債権これはセキュリティ対策"を防止するテロリストや資材を離れるパレスチナ自治区のユダヤとサマリア… 。 "
(2) the “seam zone;” Israelis say it’s the enclosed area between the Green Line and Separation Wall; when its first section was completed (in October 2003), the IDF declared this section a closed military area with entry into it forbidden; later areas may also be closed off, but even ones that aren’t will have severe movement restrictions the way they’re imposed throughout the West Bank; all Palestinians are affected; Jews and foreigners have permits permitting easy entry and exit. （ 2 ）の"縫い目ゾーン; "イスラエル言ってやるがそれはグリーンラインとの間に囲まれたエリアの分離壁;ときに、最初のセクションが完成（ 10月に2003 ）は、このセクションを宣言英語IDF閉鎖された軍事エリアに参入すること禁止されて;へ分野れることもあります閉鎖となって、それでもされていないものは彼らのやり方に重度の運動制限を課しているヨルダン川西岸;すべてのパレスチナ人が影響を受ける;ユダヤ人と外国人が入国許可証が許せば簡単にして終了します。
(3) prohibiting travel on certain roads for Jews only; on some roads, no Palestinian vehicles are allowed; on others, travel is allowed for ones with special permits; the Oslo Accords set the rules; most often (but not always), Palestinians may travel on Areas A and B roads but prohibited or restricted in Area C; they’re excluded from about 311 km of West Bank roads for Jews only; they connect settlements to Israel or other settlements. （ 3 ）特定の道路を禁止され、ユダヤ人だけで旅をし、またいくつかの道路は、パレスチナ人の車両にはない可;を他人に押し付ける、旅行が許可さのものを特別な許可証;のオスロ合意のルールを設定する;最も多く（しかし、とは限らない） 、パレスチナ人5月旅行をする地域の道路aとbが禁止されあるいは制限さエリアC ;三百十一キロメートル彼らは対象から除外についてのヨルダン川西岸のユダヤ人の道路のみに接続またはその他の入植地をイスラエル入植地です。
– rules are so harsh and convoluted that further restrictions are imposed on some roads Palestinians may use; an example is forbidding Palestinian vehicles from crossing a road, requiring passengers to leave their vehicles on one side, cross on foot, and get other transportation on the other side; this creates great hardship, is only to harass, and in cases of passenger illness or mothers in labor it may be life-threatening; in addition, Israeli security forces have great enforcement latitude; orders are issued verbally, not in writing, and soldiers at checkpoints can pretty much do as they please, depending on their mood. -と複雑なルールは非常に厳しい制限が課せられることより詳細ないくつかの道路のパレスチナ人が使用;パレスチナの車に威嚇するような例では交差する道路から、必要な車両の乗客の片側を残すには、足のクロスを、他の交通機関を検索すると取得反対側;これにより、大きな困難は、嫌がらせをするだけに、例の乗客と、病気や労働者の母親が命にかかわることがあります;に加え、イスラエル治安部隊に大きな施行緯度;命令が発行さ口頭ではなく書面で、と兵士を検問していただくことくらいきれいに応じて、その時の気分です。
(4) harsh travel laws act as deterrence; they impose high fines and/or insurance requirements; Palestinian violators are treated discriminatorily; and a high percentage of drivers are affected. （ 4 ）過酷な旅の法律行為の抑止力として;彼らの罰金を課す高および/または保険の要件; discriminatorilyパレスチナの違反が治療、およびドライバが影響を受けるの割合が高いのです。
To counter public criticism, Israel issued two selective easing measures; they help some Palestinians but tighten movement restrictions for others:世論の批判に対抗する、イスラエル発行の2つのオプションを選択緩和策;彼らのヘルプしかし、いくつかのパレスチナ人の制限を強化する動きその他：
(1) the permits regime; since 1991, Israel required Palestinians to have personal entry permits to enter its territory and East Jerusalem; after 1996, Palestinians also needed permits to enter West Bank jurisdictional areas; post-September 2000, rules were further tightened; some Palestinians must have permits to enter, remain in, or leave large areas inside the West Bank, including the “seam zone” and areas under siege; other permits are needed to arrange (passenger and commercial) vehicular checkpoint crossings; a limited number are allowed based on the capacity of security forces to inspect vehicles, goods and passengers; （ 1 ）の許可証制度; 1991年以来、イスラエルパレスチナ人には個人的な入国許可が必要となります。を入力し、自国の領土と東エルサレム;後、 1996年、パレスチナのヨルダン川西岸を入力する許可証も必要に応じて管轄地域;後の2000年9月に、ルールがより詳細な強化;いくつかのパレスチナ人を入力する必要があります。許可証、残ってか、または残すヨルダン川西岸内の大部分を含め、 "縫い目ゾーン"と地域包囲されて;は、必要に応じてその他の許可証を手配（乗用車および商用） 、車両検問交差; 、限られた数の可の治安部隊の能力に基づいて車両を検査する、貨物と旅客輸送;
– B’Tselem lists nine different type permits for passenger vehicles - commercial ones; public ones for taxis and buses; movement in areas under encirclement; humanitarian ones; for permanent “seam zone” residents; for daily “seam zone” entry; “seam zone” entry for farming or work; and to enter the Jordan Valley; -b 'tselem許可証を別の種類のリスト乗用車ナイン-商用もの;公共のものをタクシーやバス;運動の分野で包囲されて;人道的なもの;の恒久的な"シームゾーン"住民;を毎日の"縫い目ゾーン"のエントリ;"シームゾーン"のエントリを農業や作業、およびヨルダン渓谷を入力して;
– movement restrictions and prohibitions are so onerous and for so many reasons that Israelis consider permits a privilege; for Palestinians, they’re essential to meet daily needs; West Bank District Coordination Offices (DCOs) issue them, but procedures are unclear and lack transparency; B’Tselem believes “two general and sweeping criteria must be met” to get one: -運動の制限や禁止は非常に厄介な理由があると非常に多くの特権では、イスラエルを検討;のパレスチナ人、彼らは欠かせない毎日のニーズを満たす;ヨルダン川西岸地域調整事務所（ d cos）発行し、しかし、手続きが不透明と透明性に欠ける; b'tselemと考え"と大胆な2つの一般的な基準が満たされなければならない"と一緒に1つ：
(a) “lack of ‘prevention,’ either for security or police-related reasons relating to the applicant,” and （ア） "の欠如' 、予防、 'のいずれかまたは警察に関連した安全保障上の理由から、出願人に関連する"と
(b) having documents to show justification for the request.結果（ b ）のドキュメントを表示することの正当性を要求します。
Quotas exist in all cases; when they’re filled, many qualified residents are left out; in addition, other qualifying procedures exist but are unstated; ultimately DCO officials have total discretion in awarding or denying permits and can be pretty arbitrary about it; “seam zone” residents provide an example of what all Palestinians endure; to get a permit to their own home area, they must prove they reside there from their ID card address on the day the declaration of closed military area was made or in some other way show their center of life is there; those getting one are allowed entry via one checkpoint only;クォータに存在するすべてのケース;彼らは満たされたときに、多くの資格を住民が取り残されて;に加え、他の予選手続きの存在が公表されていない; dco当局者は、合計の裁量で最終的に授賞または許可証と否定してはかなりの任意; "縫い目ゾーン"住民の提供するすべてのパレスチナ人の例をどのように耐える;許可証を取得するには自分のホームエリア、彼らが存在を証明しなければならないからそこにIDカード上の住所の日は、宣言の閉鎖された軍事事項が行われた、またはいくつかの他の方法詳細はセンターの生活がある;これらのエントリ経由で手に入れる1つのチェックポイントのみが許可さ;
(2) So-called “fabric of life” roads for Palestinians only; the West Bank’s main roads are only for Jews; initially, those for Palestinians passed through villages and city centers, but because of criticism an alternate plan was developed - creating a separate, contiguous road network running north-south in the West Bank; it’s based on separate levels in places where Israeli and Palestinian roads meet; bridges and interchanges achieve separation with Israelis able to travel on top at high speed; lower level “fabric of life” roads comprising 20% of the West Bank’s total are for Palestinians; elements of the plan have been implemented and “fabric of life” roads are being built; they represent another part of Israel’s repressive apartheid scheme. （ 2 ）いわゆる"織物of life "の道路をパレスチナ人のみ;ヨルダン川西岸の主要な道路はユダヤ人のみ;当初、それらを通過してパレスチナ人の村や都市センター、しかし、批判のための代替計画が開発-を作成する別のは、隣接する道路ネットワークを実行して北南は、ヨルダン川西岸;それに基づいて個別のレベルの場所でイスラエルとパレスチナの道路を満たし;橋やインターチェンジの分離を達成するためイスラエルの上にできるように旅行を高速;下位レベル"織物of life "の道路で構成さの20 ％を、ヨルダン川西岸のパレスチナ人の合計は;の要素をこの計画は実装されて、 "織物of life "の道路建設されて;を表すものイスラエルの抑圧的なアパルトヘイトの別の部分です。
Splitting the West Bankヨルダン川西岸に分割する
Article 13 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states:第13条の1948年の世界人権宣言国：
(1) “Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. （ 1 ） "すべての人は、権利を自由に移転及び居住の境界内の各状態です。
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” （ 2 ）すべての人は、いかなる国の権利を残すなど、自分自身の、そして彼の国に復帰する。 "
Israel is a serial international law and human rights abuser.イスラエルは、シリアル国際法と人権を乱用しています。 For Palestinians, it believes allowing free movement is a privilege, denying it is the norm, and actions no matter how outlandish require no explanation or justification.のパレスチナ人は、自由な動きができるようにすることの特権と考え、規範を否定することは、どんなに奇怪な行動に移して説明または正当化する必要はありません。
Israel divided the West Bank into three control areas - A, B and C. For purposes of restricting movement, it further split the Territory into six geographical units:イスラエル、ヨルダン川西岸分割を3つの制御領域-を、 bとC .の目的のために運動を制限する、それより詳細な領土を分割して6つの地理的な単位：
– North that includes the Jenin, Tulkarm, Tubas and Nablus districts, except for those in the Jordan Valley and Separation Wall enclaves; about 840,000 Palestinians lived in this area as of summer 2007; today the number is somewhat higher; -北朝鮮が含まれているジェニン、 t ulkarm、チューバとナブルス地区を除き、分離壁は、ヨルダン渓谷とe nclaves; 8 40000パレスチナ人についてはこのエリアに住んで2 007年の夏に、今日の数は、やや高い;
– Central that includes the Salfit, Ramallah, and Jericho districts, except for parts in the Separation Wall enclaves; in summer 2007, the Palestinian population exceeded 400,000; -中央が含まれているs alfit、ラマラ、エリコ地区での分離壁の部分を除いてe nclaves; 2 007年夏、パレスチナ人の人口を超えて、 4 00000;
– South that includes the Hebron and Bethlehem districts, except for the northern Dead Sea and Separation Wall enclaves; Palestinians here number over 700,000; -南地区が含まれているヘブロン、ベツレヘム、死海を除いて、北部の分離壁e nclaves;パレスチナ、ここ数以上7 00000;
– the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea that includes the eastern strip of the West Bank, except for Jericho and nearby refugee camps; the Palestinian population is around 10,000; -死海のヨルダン渓谷と北部のストリップが含まれては、ヨルダン川西岸の東部を除き、エリコと近所の難民キャンプのパレスチナ人の人口は約1 0000;
– the Separation Wall-created “seam zone” and inside the West Bank “internal” enclaves; when the Wall is completed, the “seam zone” Palestinian population will number about 30,000; an additional 25,000 will be in “internal” enclaves; the “seam zone” also contains thousands of Palestinian farmland dunams (a dunam equals about one fourth of an acre) and 39 settlements; unlike the other geographical units, the enclaves are dozens of non-contiguous sections that are separated from the rest of the West Bank; and -の分離壁の作成"縫い目ゾーン"とヨルダン川西岸内の"内部" e nclaves;時の壁が完了すると、 "縫い目ゾーン"パレスチナ人の人口は数約3 0000;すると、さらに2 5000は、 "内部" e nclaves;の"縫い目ゾーン"数千人のパレスチナ人も含まれ農地dunams （ dunamに等しいの約4分の1エーカー）と39入植地;とは異なり、他の地理的なユニットは、 enclavesは、数十人の非連続のセクションでは西の残りの部分から分離銀行、および
– East Jerusalem that includes all the area Israel annexed in 1967 and is attached to the Jerusalem Municipality, except for the Shu’afat refugee camp and Kfar Aqeb that the Wall separates from the city; around 200,000 Palestinians live in this section. -東エルサレムのすべての事項が含まれて併合を1 967年にイスラエルのエルサレムに添付さとは、市町村、難民キャンプを除いて、 s hu'afatk fara qebは、市からの分離壁;約2 00000このセクションでパレスチナに住んでいます。
All geographical units are constricted by Israel’s rigid control system explained above.すべての地理的なユニットが収縮され、イスラエルの厳格な制御システム説明したとおりです。 Below are the checkpoints that control movement from one section to another:運動を制御する、以下のチェックポイントを別の1つのセクションから：
– Za’tara (Tupuah) Checkpoint controls North to Central sections movement; in addition, the IDF directs to this checkpoint all west and east traffic along the Trans-Samaria highway and from Route 60 from Nablus in the north and Ramallah in the southwest and south; Palestinians may generally pass freely heading north; those traveling south encounter ID and sometimes vehicle checks; delays are common; males aged 16 - 35 often aren’t allowed to go south. -z a'tara（ t upuah）チェックポイントコントロールを北に中央のセクションの動き;加えて、このチェックポイントを指示英語I DF西洋と東洋のすべてのトラフィックを高速道路に沿ってトランスサマリアナブルスからのルート6 0からラマラでは、北朝鮮との南西に、南;パレスチナ年5月、通常パスを自由に見出しの北;これらの旅南に遭遇番号、時には車両のチェック;遅延は共通;男性16歳-3 5頻繁に南に行くことはできません。
– Container Checkpoint almost totally controls movement between the South and Central sections; Border Police staff it round the clock; from 2002 to February 2007, passenger cars were prohibited without a special permit; it’s now cancelled; since September 2000, Palestinians have been prohibited from using Route 398 that runs from the checkpoint to the Ma’ale Adumim and Qedar settlements; Palestinians are diverted to other worn roads of nearby villages; Palestinian traffic passing through the checkpoint are subjected to lengthy delays and at times searches; when Israel declares a comprehensive closure, it applies to this checkpoint; it severs the southern West Bank from the rest of the Territory and requires Palestinians traveling to or from the South to do it by foot. -コンテナチェックポイントほぼ完全にコントロール運動韓国との間の中央のセクション;国境警察のスタッフが2 4時間、 2 002年から2 007年2月、乗用車が禁止されてなく、特別な許可証;ということが現在の予約のキャンセルは、 2 000年9月以降、パレスチナ自治政府は、禁止されてから398を使用してルーティングを実行し、チェックポイントをよりma'ale adumimとqedar入植地;パレスチナ人は、道路の近くに転用されることを他の着用村;パレスチナの検問所を通過するトラフィックを対象には長い時間の遅れと検索;ときにイスラエルを宣言包括的閉鎖、それが適用さこのチェックポイント;ことsevers南部の残りの部分からヨルダン川西岸のパレスチナ人の旅への領土を必要とするか、南部を行うことによって足です。
– Tayasir, Hamra, Gittit and Yitav checkpoints control movement to and from the Jordan Valley. -t ayasir、ハムラ、 g ittitとy itav検問してからの動きを制御するヨルダン渓谷です。 In May 2005, Israel instituted sweeping Palestinian movement prohibitions here, except for residents with ID cards and persons with special permits. 2005年5月、イスラエルパレスチナの抜本的運動の禁止導入ここでは、住民にIDカードを除いて、人に特別な許可証です。 They were cancelled in April 2007, it affects only pedestrians and those using public transportation (that also requires a permit), and applies only to the Tayasir and Hamra crossings.彼らは2007年4月に予約のキャンセルは、それらの影響を及ぼすだけを使用して歩行者や公共交通機関（これも許可証が必要） 、およびtayasirとハムラにのみ適用さを掛け合わせています。
– Almog Checkpoint that controls movement to and from the northern Dead Sea; generally only Palestinians with work permits for nearby settlements and/or to enter Israel may pass; since May 2007, the latter category was cancelled. -a lmogチェックポイントの動きをコントロールしてから北部の死海;通常のみ近所の入植地をパレスチナ人に労働許可証および/またはパスを入力するイスラエルがあります; 2 007年5月以来、後者のカテゴリはキャンセルされました。
– the Separation Wall directs movement between the “seam zone” enclaves and the rest of the West Bank to several gates in the Wall; only Palestinians with special entry permits may pass; 38 gates are in place; only six operate daily from 12 to 24 hours continuously; 17 others open two or three times a day for 30 minutes to two hours; 13 additional ones operate during farming season; two other gates allow movement of residents of a few houses that are enclosed by the Wall and separated from their village; still other crossings are for Israeli travel between the West Bank and Israel; they operate round the clock. -指示運動の分離壁の間に"縫い目ゾーン" e nclavesと、ヨルダン川西岸の残りの部分をいくつかのゲイツ会長は、壁;のみをパレスチナ人に特別入国許可年5月合格;ゲイツ会長は3 8の代わりに、 6つの操作のみ毎日一二〜二四時間連続; 17他のオープンのために一日2つまたは3回には、 2時間30分、 13もの動作中に追加農繁期;の2つのゲイツ会長は、住民の動きを許可するにはいくつかの家の壁に囲まれて、彼らの村から分離;まだ他の横断旅行の間には、イスラエルのヨルダン川西岸とイスラエル;ラウンドのクロックで動作します。
– the Separation Wall also directs movement between East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank; this section is called the “Jerusalem envelope” and has 12 checkpoints; crossing (permitted only through four of them) requires a valid ID and permit and submitting to stringent checks; they include exiting vehicles, having them searched, and passing through a revolving gate equipped with a metal detector; the remaining eight checkpoints are for settlers, Israeli residents and East Jerusalem Palestinians with Israeli IDs. -運動の分離壁の間にも指示東エルサレムとヨルダン川西岸の残りの部分;このセクションと呼ばれる"エルサレム封筒"とは1 2のチェックポイント;交差点（ 4つのことを介してのみ許可）には、有効なI Dと許可証を提出する厳しいチェック;が含まれて終了する車両は、持っていて捜索し、回転ゲートを通過する設備と金属探知器; 、残りの8つのチェックポイントは、入植者、イスラエルエルサレムパレスチナとイスラエルの住民と東のIDです。
In addition to area to area restrictions, Israel tightens them further with others within areas by breaking them into sub-areas and controlling movement between them.制限事項を事項に加えて、イスラエルを他のに緊張してより詳細な分野を打ち破ってそれらをサブエリアとそれらの間の動きを制御します。 Nablus in the North is separated from nearby villages and from other northern West Bank districts.ナブルスで、北朝鮮が近くの村から分離さや他の北部のヨルダン川西岸地区です。
The Nablus area includes the city, three refugee camps and 15 villages that contain over 200,000 Palestinians combined.市のナブルス事項が含まれて、 3つの難民キャンプや村を含む15以上200000パレスチナ組み合わせです。 It’s been under siege for seven years; entry and exit is through four surrounding checkpoints; passage through them entails stringent personal and vehicle checks, including for all merchandise in both directions; and special permits are required for passenger vehicle entry.包囲されていることの7年間;エントリと出口には、周囲の4つのチェックポイントを通じて;厳格な個人情報や手続きの通過車両をチェックして、商品の両方を含むすべての方向;や特別な許可証が必要に乗用車のエントリです。
Collective Nablus movement prohibitions are harsh and unique in the Territory.ナブルス運動の禁止は、過酷な集団は、固有の領土とします。 Males between 16 and 35 are especially affected, but they overall disrupt life for everyone.男性の間に16と35は特に影響を受けるが、それら全体を混乱させる生活してまいります。 The restricted male population alone affects 26,000 persons.男性の人口の制限が影響を及ぼすだけで26000人です。 If the age is lowered to 15, it rises to 36,000, and if females are included (as sometimes happens) it totals 73,000.を引き下げた場合は、年齢は15日、それが上昇し36000 、および女性が含まれている場合（時には起こる）の合計73000 。 This group is the area’s main work force, its entire economic life depends on them, and prohibiting their movement brings it to a halt.このグループは、その地域の主要な労働力、その全体の経済に依存して生活し、彼らの運動もたらすことを禁止して停止します。
When it’s in force, siege conditions vary by checkpoint for those allowed through.力のときには、検問所を包囲条件によって異なりますを通じてこれらの可です。 The two main Beit Iba and Huwara ones inflict the longest and most burdensome delays and restrictions.他の2つの主要ベイト負わせるものとhuwara最長で最も厄介な遅延や制限を適用します。 In addition, all persons having a “risk profile” because of age are forbidden to leave the area and need a “movement permit in area under encirclement” if they want to exit.加えて、すべての人が、 "リスクプロファイル"のために休暇を禁じられている年齢は、同地区を拠点とを必要とする"運動の許可証が表示されて包囲網"を終了するかどうかです。 However, it’s not easy getting one with a convoluted system in place that requires a party permitted to cross to apply for persons who aren’t and even they can’t do it easily.しかし、それは簡単に就学許可証の1つの代わりに、複雑なシステムを必要とする党のクロスを適用するのを許可する人もwhoはないことを簡単に行うことはできません。 In addition, permits aren’t issued for “ordinary” needs, such as work, family visits or school.加えて、許可証が発行さを"普通"のニーズなど、仕事、ご家族の訪問や学校です。 Those considered are only for “humanitarian” reasons like needed medical care.これらの考えにのみ、 "人道主義"のような必要に応じて医療上の理由からです。 Few overall are issued.いくつかの全体が発行されます。
The Nablus siege also restricts movement in the Jenin Tulkarm and Tubas districts.ナブルス包囲する動きも制限さtulkarmとチューバのジェニン地区です。 Nablus is vital for them and for years was the West Bank’s economic and industrial center.ナブルスは欠かせないし、何年ものは、ヨルダン川西岸の経済および工業の中心地です。 Now these districts are separated, and major roads between them are blocked.今すぐ、これらの地区が分離し、それらの間の主要な道路がブロックされます。 In the past, traveling from Jenin to Nablus took about 40 minutes on the main road.を編集して項目は、旅行者は約40分ジェニンをナブルスのメイン道路です。 It now takes one to three hours on narrow, winding roads plus a long wait at one of the Nablus area checkpoints.今すぐ2時59分まで時間を狭く、曲がりくねった道路のほか、長い待ち時間はナブルス事項のいずれかのチェックポイントです。
Over the past two years especially, accessing Nablus has been hard and complicated for villagers located to its north.特に、過去2年にわたり、ナブルスにアクセスするハードと複雑なものになってきた村人の北に位置しています。 Checkpoint access is limited, some are closed to traffic, and those that operate have delays running up to hours.チェックポイントのアクセスが限られ、いくつかが通行止めになって、およびそれらのことを実行中の動作時間が遅れています。 In addition, soldiers at times block road traffic for several hours, no advance notice is given, and it causes undue hardship for travelers having to wait or use alternate routes.また、道路交通の兵士は倍のブロック数時間、事前通告が与えられたとき、それが原因で不当な苦難や旅行者向けの代替経路を使用しなくて待つか。 The IDF is also at times punitive.英語IDFで倍の懲罰的損害もします。 It sets up indiscriminate flying checkpoints, uses them for punishment, and makes it harsher with instances of violence and confiscation of permits and identity cards that can only be redeemed at a permanent checkpoint that may or may not be operating.無差別にセットアップさフライングチェックポイント、罰を使用して、追加して、それが厳しいのインスタンスを没収の許可証とアイデンティティの暴力とカードのみで換金することができることがありますか恒久的なチェックポイントオペレーティングれないことがあります。
The Central Section splitting caused much the same type hardships.中央のセクションに分割する原因とほぼ同じタイプ困難です。 It created two principal sub-areas around Salfit and Ramallah.それ作成した2つの主要なサブラマラ周辺salfitとします。 It detached some of these cities’ villages and separated them from their residents’ farmland.いくつかの都市が分離'区切りかれらの村と住民の農地です。
After the IDF blocked Salfit’s main entrance road from the north, alternate routes became necessary, and they lengthened travel times considerably.ブロックの後に英語IDF salfitのメインエントランス道路から北、代替ルートが必要なのは、かれらかなり長くトラベル回です。 It created great hardship for travelers who rely on Nablus for basic services and also for villagers who are blocked from their farmland.旅行者向けに作成した大きな苦難に依存してwhoナブルスの基本的なサービスとも村人が農地からwhoがブロックされます。 Sixty-six thousand people are affected. 66000人々が影響を受ける。
It’s even worse for the 300,000 Ramallah district residents in a city that’s the West Bank’s seat of government because Israel denies East Jerusalem that status.それをいっそう悪化させるのは、地域住民の都市ラマラ300000それは、ヨルダン川西岸の座席の政府を否定するため、東エルサレムでイスラエルの状態です。 In addition, after undo restrictions and hardships caused many Palestinian entrepreneurs to leave Nablus and the northern West Bank, Ramallah developed into the Territory’s cultural and economic center.加えて、元に戻すした後の制約と困難の原因多くの起業家を離れるパレスチナのヨルダン川西岸北部のナブルスと、ラマラに発展し、地域の文化や経済の中心です。 Obstructions, checkpoints and the Separation Wall demarcate the area and combined make movement just as hard as throughout the rest of the West Bank.障害物は、検問所の分離壁の区分と同地区を拠点と同様の努力を組み合わせて運動を通じて、ヨルダン川西岸の残りの部分です。
It’s the same for Jericho’s 40,000 residents.それは同じです40,000エリコの住民です。 In addition, for 10,000 of them in the north in the besieged Jordan Valley, they’re separated from the city, and for those in the east there’s another obstacle - 19 km of trenches and land east of it that’sa closed military area.また、 10000を包囲して、北朝鮮は、ヨルダン渓谷、彼らは、個々の都市、およびそれらのもう一つの障害の東-1 9k mの塹壕と土地の東のことこれは閉鎖された軍事表示します。
The South section’s splitting has been less conspicuous, but it hasn’t made movement easier.南のセクションに分割されあまり目立つのは、動きをより容易に作らわけではありません。 Most notably since September 2000, have been restrictions in Route 60’s southern section that runs the entire length of the southern West Bank and is this subsection’s principal roadway.特に2000年9月以降、 60のルートが制限さ南部のセクションを実行し、全体の長さの南のヨルダン川西岸とは、この款の主要な道路です。 Access roads to the Route are now blocked, over time some have been eased, but use of the road remains limited.道路のルートは今すぐアクセスをブロックされると、一定の期間のいくつかが緩和され、しかし、使用する道路は限られている。
Most harmed are residents in towns and villages in Hebron’s southern area.最も被害住民の町や村では、ヘブロンの南部地域です。 To reach the city, they must use long, winding, beat-up roads that are no substitute for decent ones.に到達するシティ、使用しなければならない長く、巻き、アップビート代用されていない道路をまともなものです。 Once the Separation Wall is completed east of the Efrat and Gush Atzion settlements, Route 60’s northern quarter in the South section will be on the Wall’s Israeli side and completely off-limits to Palestinians.一度の分離壁が完了すると湧き出るefrat東atzionの入植地、ルート60の北部地区の南に部署のほとんどは、壁のイスラエル側とパレスチナ人の限界を完全にオフです。 As a result, Bethlehem will be separated from Jerusalem as well as the main road to Hebron with all the hardships that will create.以上の結果、ベツレヘムエルサレムから分離されるだけでなく、ヘブロンでのすべての主要道路に作成することが困難です。
Consider how they affect Hebron.ヘブロンどのように影響を与える検討します。 It’s the only Palestinian West Bank city (other than East Jerusalem that Israel annexed in 1967) with an Israeli settlement in its center.それはパレスチナのヨルダン川西岸にのみシティ（東エルサレムでイスラエル以外に併合1967 ） 、その中心にイスラエルの入植地です。 Because of it, the IDF created a contiguous strip of land through the city over which Palestinian vehicles are prohibited.そのため、英語IDFを作成し、細長い土地を検索するシティ連続年間100万人をパレスチナ人の車両には禁じられています。 It runs from the Kiryat Arba settlement in the east to the Palestinian Tel Rumeida neighborhood in the west, and in many sections along its center, Palestinian pedestrians are banned.それを実行kiryat arbaからのパレスチナの和解は、東から西電話rumeida近所で、多くのセクションに沿って、その中心は、パレスチナの歩行者の通行が禁止します。 The main Shuhada Street is most affected. shuhadaのメインストリートが最も影響を受ける。 In addition, the strip blocks Hebron’s main north-south artery harming the entire Palestinian population.加えて、ストリップのメインブロックヘブロン北南動脈パレスチナ人の人口全体に害を及ぼす。
Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea restrictions involve the use of Route 90 that runs the entire length of the section.ヨルダン渓谷と北部の死海の制限の使用を伴うルート90を実行し、全体の長さを参照してください。 Israel operates five checkpoints here for control.イスラエルの動作5つのチェックポイントはここを制御します。 Only public transportation and vehicles with special permits may pass.唯一の公共交通機関や特別な許可証年5月に車を通過します。 That frees the Route for settlers and Israelis traveling between Jerusalem and the Beit She’an Valley, the Sea of Galilee, or the Galilee area in the north.そのルートを解放してイスラエル人入植者との間の旅エルサレムとベイトshe'an谷は、ガリラヤ湖か、または、北のガリラヤ事項です。 It also allows the IDF to use large Jordan Valley sections as fire-exercise zones and close off much of their water and grazing areas to Palestinians.英語IDFを使用することも使用すると、ヨルダン渓谷のセクションとして大規模な火災訓練ゾーンと閉じるオフは多くの水と放牧地をパレスチナ人です。
Dozens of non-contiguous “seam-zone” enclaves are also affected.数十人の非連続"シーム-ゾーン" enclavesにも影響を受ける。 The Separation Wall separates them by winding back and forth between the Green Line and deep into the West Bank.巻線の分離壁の分離を行ったり来たりしてグリーンラインとの間に、ヨルダン川西岸の奥深くに入る。 They all contain Palestinian farmland on the barrier’s Israeli side.彼らのすべての農地を含むパレスチナ人のイスラエル側の障壁です。 Some also include villages where 30,000 Palestinians live.いくつかの村Villages where 30000パレスチナ人も含まれて生きています。 Because they aren’t connected, crossing from one subsection to another at best is hard and at worst impossible.接続されていないため、 1つのサブセクションを別の交差点で最悪の状態で最高のは難しいと不可能です。 It forces travelers to cross the Wall twice with all the hardships that entails.旅行者の壁を越えること軍のすべての困難が伴うの2倍にします。 Further, since permits are for one enclave only, entering another one requires a second permit.より詳細なので、許可証は1つの飛び地のみ、 2番目には、もう1つの入力を許可します。
The Separation Wall then can be divided into five sections plus the Jerusalem area, and each one contains separate enclaves.の分離壁に入力し、 5つのセクションに分けられることに加え、エルサレム事項、および各1つの別々のenclavesが含まれています。 Combined they form a crazy quilt isolation pattern with physical obstacles and human repression used against a defenseless civilian population.複合絶縁クレージーキルト彼らを形成するパターンに使用される物理的な障害と人間の抑圧に対して無防備な民間人の人口です。
Internal community and farmland enclaves are affected as well but not by having to pass through the Wall or obtain permits.内部のコミュニティや農地enclavesが影響を受けることもしかし、中を通過するのではなく、壁や許可証を取得します。 However, roads that used to connect them have been closed making travel times longer and more complicated.しかし、道路を使用して接続して閉じても、もっと複雑メーカートラベル倍長持ちします。 When completed, the Wall’s route will create 13 non-contiguous internal enclaves for about 240,000 Palestinians in dozens of towns and villages.ときに完了すると、壁のルートが作成さ13以外の内部enclaves連続で数十人のパレスチナ人約240000町や村です。
East Jerusalem is the final section.東エルサレムでの最後のセクションです。 Israeli Arabs with identity cards may move about fairly freely with one notable exception.アラブとイスラエルのアイデンティティーカードをかなり自由に動き回る年5月1つの注目すべき例外が発生します。 It’s the use of temporary checkpoints (so-called “collection” ones) to collect resident tax debts.それは一時的なチェックポイントを使用する（いわゆる"コレクション"もの）住民税の負債を収集する。 They operate a few hours at a time on main neighborhood roads where Israeli Police (usually Border Police) provide security along with tax officials to do the collecting.彼らを運営するのに時間を数時間でメインの近所の道路でイスラエル警察（通常は国境警察）が安全性を提供するとともに、税務当局の収集を行う。 Police stop cars, collectors do the rest, but never to Jerusalem’s Jewish residents.警察ストップ自動車、コレクターには、残り、決してエルサレムのユダヤ人の住民をします。
Harm to Palestinians’ Fabric of Lifeパレスチナ人に害を及ぼす'布の生活
West Bank separation and division inflicts great harm to Palestinians’ fabric of life in the short and longer term. This section examines how.
First consider health as a fundamental human right and how restricting movement affects it. Ill persons needing treatment are greatly impeded reaching medical centers. The quality and availability of service is hampered as well by delaying or restricting physicians and staff. First aid crews also aren’t able to reach the sick and injured quickly. Even when situations aren’t life threatening, movement restrictions increase morbidity chances and may shorten a life span.
Overall, West Bank Palestinians have limited or no access to medical care, and residents of villages and outlying areas are most gravely affected. Then consider so-called “risk profile” people being denied passage through checkpoints. Another example is persons needing a permit for access to Jerusalem hospital treatment. To get one, patients must provide medical documents testifying to their illness and confirming their appointment at a specific hospital.
The situation is especially problematic for pregnant women when their time to deliver approaches and their hospital is in Jerusalem. Permits are valid only for one or two days, as it is for all ill persons, but the moment when it’s needed is uncertain. They must thus be continually renewed, and there are times when it’s impossible. It thus forces mothers to give birth at checkpoints because they’re denied passage through them.
In 1996, the Physicians for Human Rights petitioned the State Attorney’s office for relief and nominally got it - to allow passage through checkpoints without permits in cases of medical emergency so ill persons can be treated. All checkpoint locations are supposed to comply, but it turns out they don’t. Soldiers don’t treat Palestinians kindly, are unresponsive to their needs, and are untrained medically to recognize emergencies.
Patients encounter other obstacles as well. Their travel is slowed by having to use long, winding and worn roads; they’re sometimes blocked causing long delays; they have no access to ambulances or other transportation; must pass through checkpoints when they do or by foot; be up against closed ones; be forced to wait at open ones; and undergo searches.
These problems make people more dependent on first aid that can’t cope in emergency cases where special expertise is required. At times, long distances are involved, and when need is greatest, it means lives are endangered. This is what Palestinians endure daily.
Movement restrictions also affect hospitals, especially East Jerusalem ones that are considered the OPT’s best because they provide services unavailable elsewhere in the Territories. East Jerusalem’s separation from the rest of the West Bank and needing a permit to enter is the problem. It affects staff and patients with the situation at al-Makassed Hospital typical. Twelve of its workers live outside the city and are classified “prevented entry.” They have no permits. Even workers with them face long checkpoint delays or their closure when Israel wishes.
Restricting free movement also impacts health care professionals from developing their skills through in-service training. Students as well are affected, are unable to complete their studies or receive a lower professional training degree. It places Palestinians needing medical care in a hopeless situation. They’re unable to move freely or receive expert care if they can.
B’Tselem’s report is on the West Bank. Gaza is another matter, and since Israel’s June 2007 siege, 130 in the Territory have died because they couldn’t be treated. Their deaths are in addition to the hundreds of others from near daily incursions that continue without letup.
Movement restrictions also greatly affect the OPT’s economy and trade. Post-September 2000, it’s been in deep depression. GDP has declined around 40%, unemployment stands at about 80%, and the poverty level is punishing. It’s how Israel and Washington planned it to bring the Territories to their knees and demand surrender as the price for relief.
At present, look how working conditions and transport of goods are affected. Palestinians could once travel freely outside their communities to jobs. No longer, and many lost out and have no means of employment. Employers as well are affected. They lost workers, had to scale back their operations or shut them down entirely.
The same hardships apply to transporting goods. They can no longer move freely, permits are required, they’re hard to get, travel times are longer even with them, at much greater cost, and an example is trade between Nablus and Ramallah. The cost is fourfold what it was in 2002, the result is greatly reduced trade, it’s forced merchants to concentrate more on their own communities and those nearby, and the result is far less commerce overall that severely impacts everyone.
Here’s what’s involved to move goods between Nablus and East Jerusalem:
– permits are needed;
– a quota restricts the number;
– goods allowed to be transported endure the so-called “back-to-back” method; at point of shipment they’re loaded; then stopped at a checkpoint; unloaded; inspected by mechanical scanner, manually, and/or by dogs; they’re then reloaded on another truck for delivery;
– damage is frequent because of extra handling and Israelis aren’t too gentle about it;
– delays are the rule and they’re costly;
– transport requires passing through other checkpoints and repeating the whole procedure again that may be more or less stringent depending on the whims of inspectors;
– when the Separation Wall is completed, transport will be even harder and its cost greater.
Tourism is also affected. Between the Oslo Accords and September 2000, cities like Bethlehem were desired destinations. No longer because of difficulties getting there and how hard it is to move around. The result is privately owned tourist sites throughout the West Bank have closed or have greatly cut back. An example is the Barahameh family’s park in al-Badhan, a village 10 km north of Nablus. Getting there from Ramallah means passing through four permanent checkpoints plus whatever flying ones are up for the day. The result is wasted hours to spend a day at the park, and most tourists won’t do it.
Small businesses like stores, souvenir shops and restaurants are also impacted. Many close down or operate at a fraction of their former levels. A World Bank West Bank report cites movement restrictions and their costs as two major obstacles affecting a healthy Palestinian economy.
They affect farming as well in areas like the Jordan Valley and “seam zone.” Agriculture is an important source of Palestinians’ income. Farmers need permits for it in these areas. Many are denied and their livelihoods destroyed or greatly impacted. Farm workers are also affected. They, too, need permits, but even having them means putting up with long travel times and exhausting days. Many workers won’t do it it so farmers lose a vital work force and the ability to grow their crops productively.
Farmer and merchant Husni Muhammad ‘Adb a-Rahman Sawafteh is an example of what others like him endure:
– he lives, works and farms in Tubas; he and his brothers have a house and 250 dunams of land in Bardala, a northern Jordan Valley village; they also have livestock;
– to reach Bardala, they must pass through Tayasir checkpoint; doing it involves “much difficulty;” it affects their workers as well;
– to sell their produce, they need to reach Bardala, but the hardship forces Sawafteh to manage things by phone; it’s inadequate because it’s vital to be current on prices and dealer payments that requires being in Bardala to do it;
– sometimes he can’t be for a month; the result is dealers send “payment on account” and pay less than the amount owed; their back due debts accumulate; being there is essential to handle things; when he can’t do it, he hasn’t enough money for materials to fertilize the land and grow crops;
– caring for the livestock is another problem; they need daily care; Sawafteh had to build a new Tubas farm to do it, but it was lacking; Tubas hasn’t enough grazing land so the flock can’t do it daily as they need to; he thus has to buy them food; it’s an additional expense he can’t afford;
– he and other farmers have an additional problem as well; they need permits for themselves but also for their tractors and farm vehicles; it forces most of them to go long distances on foot or donkeys;
– it also restricts what crops can be grown; restrictions forced farmers like Sawafteh to forgo higher revenue-generating ones like tomatoes and cucumbers and switch to less labor intensive ones like wheat;
– some farmers give up altogether and let their land lie fallow rather than risk economic failure or work under onerous conditions.
Family and social life are also affected. Palestinian community life is based on extended familial ties even though members don’t often live in the same towns and villages. Movement restrictions and inability to get permits prevent their ability to see each other, and it’s especially felt in the “seam zone,” Jordan Valley and Nablus under siege.
Ni’ma ‘Ali Salameh Abu Sahara from Nablus is a case in point:
– her daughter married and moved to the Jordan Valley;
– no one has been able to see her, not even during holidays, because “the army doesn’t let us cross the Hamra checkpoint;”
– she wasn’t able to visit her first grandson and only saw him two months after his birth when her daughter visited her;
– her daughter just had a second child by Caesarean section; Abu Sahara went to the checkpoint to get through to see her; soldiers refused to let her pass; she begged them; they still refused; Abu Sahara “went home and cried.”
This story and many others like it are commonplace, and it’s caused the splitting up of nuclear families. Students leave parents to be near school. Wage earners and tradesmen leave families to be close to work. The ill live in cities to be near essential medical care facilities. From the time they leave homes to whenever they try to return, they encounter problems. For most Palestinians, they’re painful to impossible.
Restrictions prevent routine family gatherings as well as special ones like weddings, funerals, and caring for the sick. Palestinians once could take vacations, and a favorite spot was the northern Dead Sea area with its 25 km of coastline. No longer. The ‘Ein Fascha nature reserves there (one of the most popular recreational sites) are now operated by Israel’s Nature Reserves and Parks Authority for Jews only.
Movement restrictions affect all facets of daily life, including basic services and law enforcement - urban infrastructure, social services, mail, governance, rescue operations, electricity and gas, water, and locally-based security. When breakdowns occur and repairs are needed or other vital services have to be performed, district government employees get no preferential treatment crossing checkpoints to handle them. The result is long delays fixing essential public services or dealing with problems like medical emergencies.
“Fabric of life” roads for Palestinians are also affected, including the way they were built. They’re on expropriated private land, inefficiently use public property, and take other Palestinian land for the Separation Wall. An example is a road Israel built between the village of Shufa (south of Tulkarm) and a-Ras, northeast of the Sal’it settlement. Israel took village lands for it - from Far’on, a-Ras and ‘Izbat Shufa. To connect the two district seats, Israel seized private land, destroyed olive and citrus orchards on them, asked no permission to do it, and paid no compensation for the losses.
Israel unilaterally chooses routes for new roads, Palestinians’ interests aren’t considered, and injuries and losses they incur get no redress. They’re also harmed in other ways. Roads often demarcate villages, they limit their ability to build and expand for their growing populations, their costs outweighs their benefits, the harm affects whole communities, and it’s long-term.
Restrictions on Free Movement from the Perspective of International Law
Besides Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international humanitarian law, the UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is very clear about free movement. Its Article 12 states:
1. “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within the territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.
2. Everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own.
3. The above-mentioned rights shall not be subject to any restrictions except those which are provided by law, are necessary to protect national security, public order, public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others, and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Covenant.
4. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country.”
Besides legitimate national security and military necessity, restricting free movement must meet another requirement - proportionality. Under Israeli administrative law as well, the state must prove the legitimate necessity of restrictions, that security can’t be achieved by less harmful means, and that the end result justifies the cost under international law. The UN Human Rights Committee states that the principle of proportionality requires that movement restrictions be incorporated in clear and justifiable legislation. Failure to do so violates international law under which Israel is accountable.
Israel claims justification for its occupation policies - that they’re vital to secure its West Bank settlers as well as Israelis traveling on the Territory’s roads. Clearly, the threat is real, but unasked is why. It’s because of Israel’s longstanding belligerency forcing Palestinians to respond in self-defense and at times take Israeli lives. There’s no secret how to stop it, but Israel abjures - stop attacking Palestinians so they stop fighting back. Long ago it was that way before Palestine became Israel. Arabs and Jews lived peacefully at a time the population imbalance heavily favored Palestinians and the great Jewish immigration wave hadn’t begun.
Today, it’s another matter, Israel manufactures its own security problem, then unjustifiably claims the right to react, and in the process, inflict great harm on a mostly-civilian population. Its actions are unrelated to security, are entirely political and stem from its annexation aims - to seize the West Bank’s most valued areas, remove the Palestinian population, and resettle them in isolated cantons unconnected to the others except by a crazy quilt patchwork of obstructive checkpoints, barriers, and hard to traverse road network.
Israel acts illegally on occupied lands, and its draconian restrictions follow as a result. They’re less for security and mainly to let settlers (on stolen land) move around freely. They’re heavily protected, isolated from their Arab neighbors, able to travel on for-Jews only roads, live in Jewish-only communities, and get all the conveniences of a modern state that denies them to non-Jews in a country claiming to be a model democracy.
All West Bank settlements are illegal under international law. So is the main road network forbidden to Palestinians that’s built on annexed land. Israel’s justifications are unfounded. Security is a non-starter. So is the claim that it’s to protect against terrorist attacks that are, in fact, self-defense measures in an unfair fight. Palestinians are matched against the world’s fourth most powerful military that flexes its muscles by attacking civilians and claims its occupation is just. International law says otherwise, but Israel ignores it.
It also acts disproportionately. It fails the test by all measures:
– there’s no rational connection between the harm restrictions cause and Israel’s declared security objective; independent security and human rights experts concur on this; their view is that there’sa converse relationship between restrictions imposed and security desired; the greater the former, the less of the latter;
– a second failure is the lack of an alternative that causes less harm to achieve a security goal; in some instances, Israel admitted it hasn’t used other methods that would have caused less harm; the Separation Wall is the clearest example of a measure causing great harm with little payback except for confiscated land; after that, the Wall is purely punitive and the Palestinian response justifiable anger;
– a third failure is the lack of a proper relationship between the harm caused and security benefit gained; whatever reasons Israel claims for its policy, it must still justify that it acted in proper proportion to the benefit achieved; sweeping and protracted West Bank restrictions clearly fail the test; they affect all aspects of Palestinians’ lives, infringe on their human rights and deny them the right to family life, health, education, work, and all else Israelis take for granted and get; and in cases of Nablus under siege, the effects are much worse on a locked-down population; there’s no justification for causing so much harm for whatever benefits Israel claims to be getting; they’re disproportionately way out of whack.
Israel also imposes its might without military legislation or written orders. For measures this far-reaching and causing so much harm, orders are merely passed down the chain of command verbally with lots of latitude on their implementation on the ground no matter how harsh. Such a system begs for abuse, and that’s exactly what happens repeatedly.
Without official restrictions in writing, it’s near impossible to monitor how the IDF administers them or judge what’s right or wrong. By its policy, Israel has, in fact, given the army unlimited latitude, made it unaccountable, and instituted a system guaranteed to punish and abuse.
Under international humanitarian law, it’sa system of strictly prohibited collective punishment. Article 50 of the Hague Regulations states: “No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, shall be inflicted upon the population on account of the acts of individuals for which they cannot be regarded as jointly and severally responsible.”
Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention also states: “No protected person may be punished for an offense he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited.” The UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (quoted above) concurs. So do all independent human rights experts.
Israel claims it acts to deter, not collectively punish, but evidence on the ground proves otherwise. The vast majority of Palestinians affected are innocent civilians, they’re suspected of nothing, they’re made to endure great suffering, and Israel’s actions have been imposed continuously and repressively for over seven and a half years plus the punitive effects of 41 years under occupation.
These are actions of one ethnic group against another, thus constituting another international law violation. It’s prohibited by the 1966 (UN General Assembly-adopted) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination that Israel ratified in 1979. Article 1.1 defines racial discrimination as follows:
“Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, color, descent, or national origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.”
Article 5(d)(1) gives every person the right of free movement within the borders of the state without discrimination. Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits all measures that discriminate solely on the basis of race, color, sex, language, religion, or social origin. Israel violates all of the above. Its claims otherwise hold no water and are, in fact, convoluted. It denies legitimate citizens their legal rights on their own land, but provides preferential treatment for illegal settlers in stark breach of the law.
Conclusion
Israel’s repressive measures force West Bank Palestinians to live in a constant state of uncertainty, prevent them from making plans, deny them their basic rights, harm them when emergencies arise, and overall consign their lives to the will and whims to an illegal occupier.
Beyond the immediate harm that’s considerable, the West Bank’s geographical division causes severe long-term detriment to the entire Palestinian fabric of life - affecting their economic, political and social welfare. The result is an entire nation locked down, punished for being unwanted and in the way, and denied their right of self-determination and free movement on their own land.
Israel’s justification is fraudulent on its face, yet goes unchallenged by the world community as well as by neighboring Arab states. Shamefully and willfully, they turn a blind eye to a human calamity they won’t confront and denounce publicly as illegal and unacceptable.
B’Tselem has no such hesitancy. It ends its report by calling on Israel to:
– “immediately remove all the permanent and sweeping restrictions on movement inside the West Bank (including the Separation Wall ruled illegal by the International Court of Justice). In their place, Israel should” protect its citizens along the Green Line and inside the Jewish state according to the rule of law;
– “act immediately to evacuate all the settlements in the West Bank. Until this is done, Israel” has every right to protect its settlers security, but not to the detriment of the Palestinian people who are the lawful occupants of their own land; and
– “verify, before any temporary restriction….is approved (while settlements remain in place),” that it’s “needed for a legitimate security purpose and that the resultant harm to the Palestinian population will be proportionate,” according to international law. Restrictions in place “must be incorporated in a written order that specifies the nature of the restriction and the period of time it will remain in force.”
Until Israel takes these measures and begins ending its 41 year occupation, it will continue violating international law and remain in violation of dozens of UN resolutions condemning it for its actions, deploring it for committing them, and demanding they be ended. So far, Israel shows no signs of complying and continues acting with impunity, arrogance and defiance of the rule of law it disdains.
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This entry was posted on Friday, May 2nd, 2008 at 4:51 am and is filed under Contributions & Guests , General . です。 You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response , or trackback from your own site.
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