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Territorio británico usado para la tortura de los E.E.U.U.

Sábado 2 de agosto de 2008
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Por ADÁN ZAGORIN  | Casi dos años han pasado desde presidente George W. Bush reconoció público la existencia de un programa de la Cia en el cual agencia-arrendó a sospechosos del terrorismo de la mosca del avión entre las prisiones y los sitios secretos de la interrogación alrededor del mundo. “Este programa nos ha ayudado a tomar a asesinos totales potenciales de las calles antes de que tengan una ocasión que matar,” el presidente dicho en el sept. 6, 2006. Desde esa admisión, la casa blanca ha declinado elaborar o comentar más lejos respecto a los específicos del programa, aunque los informes múltiples han emergido con respecto a la existencia de instalaciones secretas en Polonia y Rumania.

Según un funcionario americano mayor anterior, aparece que otro locale se puede agregar a la lista internacional de los sitios de la interrogación - una más obscura y potencialmente más polémica que los sitios alegados en Polonia y Rumania. La fuente dice TIEMPO que en 2002 y posiblemente 2003, los E.E.U.U. encarcelado e interrogado unos o más sospechosos del terrorismo en Diego Garcia, una isla en el Océano Índico controlado por el Reino Unido.

El funcionario, participante frecuente en las reuniones blancas del sitio de la situación de la casa después del sept. 11 quién tiene desde el gobierno izquierdo, dice a funcionario del counterterrorism de la Cia dicho dos veces que sostenían y eran interrogado a un preso o a los presos de alto valor en la isla. La identidad del cautivo o de los cautivos no fue hecha claramente. Según esta cuenta, el oficial de la Cia sorprendió a asistentes ofreciendo voluntariamente la información, para demostrar al parecer que la agencia hacía su mejor para obtener inteligencia valiosa. Según esta sola fuente, que solicitó anonimato debido a la naturaleza clasificada de las discusiones, los E.E.U.U. pueden también haber guardado a presos en las naves dentro de las aguas territoriales de Diego Garcia, una contención los E.E.U.U. ha negado de largo. Las reuniones blancas de la casa también fueron asistidas una variedad de otros funcionarios mayores del counterterrorism.

TIEMPO discutió la alegación con Richard Clarke, que sirvió como consejero especial a Bush en el consejo de la seguridad nacional que trataba de counterterrorism hasta que 2003 pero no es la fuente para esta historia. “En mi presencia, en la casa blanca, la posibilidad de usar Diego Garcia para detener blancos de alto valor fue discutida,” él dice. Clarke did not witness a final resolution of the issue, but adds, “Given everything that we know about the Administration’s approach to the law on these matters, I find the report that the U.S. did use the island for detention or interrogation entirely credible.”

Since leaving the White House, Clarke has written Against All Enemies, a scathing critique of the Bush Administration’s handling of the war on terrorism. Clarke, who was in charge of U.S.-U.K. cooperation on Diego Garcia in the early ’90s, says using the island for interrogations or detentions without British permission “is a violation of U.K. law, as well as of the bilateral agreement governing the island.”

Diego Garcia is a tiny island, but its use by the U.S. as a detention or interrogation site has global significance. While the governments of Poland and Romania have faced few domestic consequences for their rumored cooperation with U.S. counterterrorism measures, many in Britain have been voluble in their opposition to what they see as the U.S.’s abrogation of human rights as well as violations of law and British sovereignty. Says the chief spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office: “Our intelligence and counterterrorism relationship with the U.S. is vital to the national security of the United Kingdom. We accept U.S. assurances on rendition in good faith. But if others have definitive evidence of rendition through the U.K. or our overseas territories, including Diego Garcia, then we will raise it with the U.S. authorities.”

A CIA spokesman says there have been no changes in the agency’s position on Diego Garcia since February 2008, when CIA director Michael Hayden admitted that the agency’s previous denials about U.S. activities on the island were incorrect. Hayden acknowledged then that the U.S. had inadvertently misled the British government and that two suspects had been on flights that stopped to refuel on Diego Garcia en route to Guantánamo Bay and Morocco in 2002. “Neither of those individuals was ever part of CIA’s high-value terrorist-interrogation program,” said Hayden. “These were rendition operations, nothing more.” Hayden did not identify the suspects who were transited on the island and said that no other U.S. prisoners have been on Diego Garcia since Sept. 11.

A variety of press reports over the years have claimed otherwise, citing evidence that people ranging from alleged Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to his associate Abu Zubaydah and other suspected terrorists were in American hands there. (Britain leased Diego Garcia, which is halfway between Africa and Southeast Asia, to the United States and barred anyone from entering the island, except by permit, in 1971.) In 2003, TIME reported that Hambali, alleged architect of the Bali discotheque bombings, was held there.

U.K. foreign secretary David Miliband and his predecessor, Jack Straw, who served under Prime Minister Tony Blair, have both repeatedly denied that the U.S. detained terrorism suspects on British territory.

Hayden’s attempt to set the record straight has failed to quiet British protests about American activities on the island. Instead, the All Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition has begun an investigation, raising a variety of pointed questions about the island with Gordon Brown’s Labour government. Speaking to the BBC, Labor MP and Foreign Affairs Committee member Fabian Hamilton said this week, “I think it’s important the British government makes plain its … deep concern that it’s not being told the truth and that our territories are being used for these purposes.”

In late June, Foreign Secretary Miliband said the U.S. had studied a list of 391 flights compiled by British human rights groups and assured British authorities it had found that no further extraordinary-rendition flights had passed through British territory. But Hamilton’s committee insists that Britain can no longer take at face value America’s assurances that it is not torturing prisoners and, in a clear reference to Diego Garcia, says the U.K. now bears a “legal and moral obligation” to make certain that no British territory abets American rendition flights or interrogations.



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