Police states quaffing the blood of victims have an excuse: they wish to oppress in order to justify the status quo, keeping the fires burning, their subjects scared. They deceive because they know that truth is another country. States that possess some constitutional worth, those that front a democratic chamber, elected by an enfranchised electorate prefer more subtle techniques, resorting to indefinite detention, without charge.<\/p>\n
The breakdown of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange\u2019s confinement for 1000 days reads as a resume on how authorities can dilute legal obligations with corrosive effect. 10 days were spent in solitary confinement in Wandsworth prison; 550 days were spent under house arrest; and 440 days have been spent at the Ecuadorean embassy in London being denied or guaranteed safe passage by the United Kingdom.<\/p>\n
In June 2012, Friends of WikiLeaks sent an open letter to the European Court of Human Rights detailing their concerns about the Swedish request that Assange be extradited for questioning over alleged sex offences. \u201cFor a man who has not been charged with any crime, we consider this arbitrary and unlawful detention and thus a violation of the European Convention of Human Rights which the ECHR claims to uphold.\u201d<\/p>\n
The thrust of the argument is simple and terrifying. Complying with the European Arrest Warrant in this instance would \u201cmake it possible for every citizen detained in the EU to be extradited to another country without charge or any evidence against them, which we consider a more than distressing development.\u201d<\/p>\n
This is one of the great obscenities of the age, fed by complacency, justified by indifference. And it is a continuing one. A thousand days without charge is a bilious stain. A thousand days hounded, encircled and monitored by a collective of state interests keen to see him vanquished by silence and incarceration. But Assange knows better. He keeps busy. He teases and can even charm. He conquers through correspondence and Skype, and emits the light of reform via assistance to other whistleblowers.<\/p>\n
Naturally, the riposte here is that there is no detention as such \u2014 he has been granted sanctuary by Ecuador, albeit within the confines of the embassy. But Assange is much like some of the Palestinian territories, encircled and embargoed when state emergency warrants it. It is an intolerable deadlock made worse by the ineffectual paladins in Canberra who insist that the welfare of its citizens is up to other states.<\/p>\n
What the Australian government has in fact done is show that individuals in Assange\u2019s circumstances may well be faced with an extradition order even on returning to Australia. According to Assange himself, speaking to Headley Gritter on Melbourne\u2019s 3RRR, \u201cAustralia changed its Extradition Act just over a year ago to make it easier to extradite Australians to the United States for so-called political crimes.\u201d<\/p>\n
Far from being fanciful, a reading of amendments made to the Extradition Act 1988 (Cth) shows that tinkering has been made to lower the threshold for which extradition might be sought. These had been in the pipeline for some time and demonstrate the delight officials in Canberra take in allowing foreign powers to have a bite of the Australian cherry. After all, the amending instrument\u2019s purpose was aimed at \u201cstreamlining the extradition process and cutting delays.\u201d Rights of citizens have evidently become matters of slimming, streaming and reduction, a weight loss program for aspiring police states.<\/p>\n
The amending culprit was the Extradition and Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation Amendment Bill 2011. Long winded in title, it promises to be blunt in effect. Political consciousness in Australia has been so narcotised by the security establishment that any discussion about the implications of the bill passed without comment. A moribund fifth estate helped in this.<\/p>\n
Yes, section 7 makes a bland reference that individuals will not be extradited for \u201cpolitical offences,\u201d suggesting that Assange might have misread the scope of the provision. But everything hinges on a definition.<\/p>\n
The devil lurks in the exclusions for what a \u201cpolitical offence\u201d is. Excluded from it are offences \u201cthat involve an act of violence against a person\u2019s life or liberty\u201d or \u201cany offence prescribed by regulations\u2026\u201d This gives government officials extensive room to manoeuvre over what matters \u201cpolitical\u201d might or might not be. Take the issue of \u201cterrorist\u201d offences, which are often a confection of government to nab protesters deemed enemies of the state. One person\u2019s revealing publisher is another\u2019s nosy terrorist.<\/p>\n
Persons may be extradited for minor offences, punishable by less than 12 months imprisonment. The Attorney-General is entitled to surrender the person if he or she considers there is no \u201creal risk\u201d of execution occurring. Previously, the threshold had been more onerous, making the AG take into account the likelihood of the person\u2019s trial, conviction and sentence to death.<\/p>\n
Assange\u2019s confinement can also be seen in a broader sense, the disease rendered acceptable by authorities who have decided to throw away the law book in the name of law. The sheer fury against those who expose the rules of the game, be it the killing game (Collateral Murder), or the spying game (PRISM, Tempora) demands stern retribution. Those keen to breathe some life into the cadaverous body of democracy have become prominent targets.<\/p>\n
In February, then Bradley (now Chelsea) Manning\u2019s 1001 day detention was ruled as being \u201creasonable\u201d by Judge Colonel Denise Lind. No constitutional rights had been violated. The case had been \u201cuniquely complex\u201d. Thus, extensive detention was given its legal gloss.<\/p>\n
Assange\u2019s confinement is the guide book authorities are now using in a global effort to stifle the business of publication and whistleblowing. The modern, pseudo-democratic state understands that the murderous gulag is less attractive than indefinite detention in circumstances that break the will for punitive purpose. It is that new political entity that requires speedy reform, if not wholesale abolition.<\/p>\n
Dr. Binoy Kampmark<\/strong>\u00a0was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne and is currently running with Julian Assange for the WikiLeaks Party in Victoria. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com<\/em><\/p>\n