{"id":34179,"date":"2013-05-17T16:28:16","date_gmt":"2013-05-17T15:28:16","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/breaking-news\/the-1983-nuclear-war-scare\/34179\/"},"modified":"2013-05-17T16:28:16","modified_gmt":"2013-05-17T15:28:16","slug":"the-1983-nuclear-war-scare","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/breaking-news\/the-1983-nuclear-war-scare\/","title":{"rendered":"The 1983 Nuclear War Scare"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>Image: President Reagan and General Secretary Andropov were named \u201cmen of the year\u201d in 1983 by the Time Magazine. The Central Intelligence Agency also included an image of this cover in its history of the 1983 War Scare. (Original cover \u00a9 Time, Inc.)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Soviet \u201cHuffing and Puffing?\u201d \u201cCrying Wolf?\u201d \u201cRattling Pots and Pans?\u201d or \u201cA Real Worry That We Could Come into Conflict through Miscalculation?\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Largest On-Line Set of Primary Sources on \u201cThe Last Paroxysm\u201d of the Cold War Suggests \u2026 Both<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em> National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 426<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>PART 1 OF 3 POSTINGS<\/em><br \/><em> Posted \u2014 May 16, 2013<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Edited by Nate Jones<\/em><br \/><em> Assisted by Lauren Harper<\/em><br \/><em> With Document Contributions from Svetlana Savranskaya<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>For more information contact:<\/em><br \/><em> Nate Jones 202\/994-7000 or\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"mailto:foiadesk@gwu.edu\">foiadesk@gwu.edu<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n<p>Soviet General Secretary Yuri Andropov warned US envoy Averell Harriman that the Reagan administration\u2019s provocations were moving the two superpowers toward \u201cthe dangerous \u2018red line\u2019\u201d of nuclear war through \u201cmiscalculation\u201d in June of 1983. Andropov delivered this warning six months before the 1983 \u201cWar Scare\u201d reached its crux during the NATO nuclear release exercise named Able Archer 83, according to Harriman\u2019s notes of the conversation posted for the first time today by the National Security Archive (<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.nsarchive.org\/\">www.nsarchive.org<\/a>).<\/p>\n<p>The meeting provides important, first-hand evidence of Soviet leadership concerns about a possible US threat. But other documents included in this posting suggest that not all Soviet political and military leaders were fearful of a US preemptive first strike, but may rather have been \u201crattling their pots and pans\u201d in an attempt to gain geopolitical advantages, including stopping the deployment of Pershing II and Cruise nuclear missiles in Western Europe. \u201cThis would not be the first time that Soviet leaders have used international tensions to mobilize their populations,\u201d wrote the acting CIA director John McMahon in a declassified memo from early 1984.<\/p>\n<p>President Reagan zeroed in on the essence of this debate in March of 1984 when he asked his ambassador to the Soviet Union, Arthur Hartman, \u201cDo you think Soviet leaders really fear us, or is all the huffing and puffing just part of their propaganda?\u201d The evidence presented here, and in two forthcoming electronic briefing books in this series, suggests that the answer to the president\u2019s question was \u201cboth.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This first of three \u201cWar Scare\u201d postings also includes KGB reports corroborating the creation of Operation RYaN, the largest peace-time intelligence gathering operation in history, to \u201cprevent the possible sudden outbreak of war by the enemy;\u201d a newly declassified CIA\u00a0<em>Studies in Intelligence<\/em>\u00a0article concluding that Soviet fears of a preemptive U.S. nuclear strike, \u201cwhile exaggerated, were scarcely insane;\u201d and declassified backchannel discussions between Reagan advisor Jack Matlock and Soviet sources who warned of \u201cgrowing paranoia among Soviet officials,\u201d whom the source described as \u201cliterally obsessed by fear of war.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The documents in this series provide new information and add nuance to the ongoing debate over the significance \u2013 some even argue, the existence \u2013 of a genuine war scare in the Soviet Union. The documents come from Freedom of Information Act releases by the CIA and U.S. Defense Department, research findings from American archives, as well as formerly classified Soviet Politburo and KGB files, interviews with ex-Soviet generals, and records from other former communist states.<\/p>\n<p>The next electronic briefing book in the series will examine the exercises Autumn Forge 83, Reforger 83, and Able Archer 83, using NATO, U.S. Air Force, and other documents. The third posting will chronicle the U.S. intelligence community\u2019s evolving understanding of and debate over the 1983 War Scare.<\/p>\n<p><strong><\/strong>\u201cDo you think Soviet leaders really fear us, or is all the huffing and puffing just part of their propaganda?\u201d President Reagan asked his Ambassador to the Soviet Union, Arthur Hartman in early 1984, according to declassified talking points from the Reagan Presidential Library. President Reagan had pinpointed the question central to the 1983 War Scare. That question was key to the real-time intelligence reporting, the retroactive intelligence estimates and analyses of the danger, and it remains the focus of today\u2019s continuing debate over the danger and lessons of the so-called \u201cAble Archer\u201d War Scare.<\/p>\n<p>Some, such as Robert Gates, who was the CIA\u2019s deputy director for intelligence during the War Scare, have concluded, \u201cAfter going through the experience at the time, then through the postmortems, and now through the documents, I don\u2019t think the Soviets were crying wolf. They may not have believed a NATO attack was imminent in November 1983, but they did seem to believe that the situation was very dangerous.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref1\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn1\" id=\"_ftnref1\"><\/a><sup>[1]<\/sup>\u00a0Others, such as the CIA\u2019s national intelligence officer for the Soviet Union, Fritz Ermarth, wrote in the CIA\u2019s first analysis of the War Scare, and still believes today, that because the CIA had \u201cmany [Soviet] military cook books\u201d it could \u201cjudge confidently the difference between when they might be brewing up for a real military confrontation or \u2026 just rattling their pots and pans.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref2\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn2\" id=\"_ftnref2\"><\/a><sup>[2]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>\u201cHuffing and puffing?\u201d \u201cCrying wolf?\u201d \u201cJust rattling their pots and pans?\u201d While real-time analysts, retroactive re-inspectors, and the historical community may be at odds as to how dangerous the War Scare was, all agree that the dearth of available evidence has made conclusions harder to deduce. Some historians have even characterized the study of the War Scare as \u201can echo chamber of inadequate research and misguided analysis\u201d and \u201ccircle reference dependency,\u201d with an overreliance upon \u201cthe same scanty evidence.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref3\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn3\" id=\"_ftnref3\"><\/a><sup>[3]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>To mark the 30<sup>th<\/sup>\u00a0anniversary of the War Scare, the National Security Archive is posting, over three installments, the most complete online collection of declassified U.S. documents, material no longer accessible from the Russian archives, and contemporary interviews, which suggest that the answer to President Reagan\u2019s question \u2013 were the Soviets \u201chuffing and puffing\u201d or genuinely afraid? \u2013 was both, not either or.<\/p>\n<p>Today\u2019s posting includes:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>U.S. notes of the \u201cfirst real meeting between the United States and the Soviet Union since the start of the [Reagan] Administration\u201d in June of 1983 between General Secretary Yuri Andropov and U.S. envoy Averell Harriman, in which Andropov warned of nuclear war through miscalculation four times. Harriman, who had negotiated with Stalin during the Second World War, concluded that Andropov, \u201cseemed to have a real worry that we could come into conflict through miscalculation.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>KGB annual reports for the years 1981 and 1982 corroborating the creation of Operation RYaN (RYaN was the Russian acronym for\u00a0<em>Raketno-Yadernoye Napadenie<\/em>, \u201cnuclear missile attack\u201d), the largest peace-time intelligence gathering operation in history to \u201cprevent the possible sudden outbreak of war by the enemy.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>A CIA memo providing evidence of the \u201cWarsaw Pact Early Warning Indicator Project\u201d \u2014 the U.S. intelligence community\u2019s analogue to Operation RYaN.<\/li>\n<li>An unpublished, declassified CIA\u00a0<em>Studies in Intelligence\u00a0<\/em>article (different from the well-circulated CIA unclassified monograph) which provides a narrative of the War Scare and concludes that Soviet fears of a preemptive U.S. nuclear strike, \u201cwhile exaggerated, were scarcely insane,\u201d and disclosing that the United States also had an intelligence source in Czechoslovakia partially corroborating the British intelligence asset Oleg Gordievsky\u2019s reporting that Soviet leaders feared an imminent war.<\/li>\n<li>Volume four of the National Security Agency\u2019s previously classified history,\u00a0<em>American Cryptology during the Cold War, 1945-1989<\/em>\u00a0(Volumes one through three can be found<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB260\/index.htm\">here<\/a>), which chronicles the years 1980-1989, and asserts that \u201cthe period 1982-1984 marked the most dangerous Soviet-American confrontation since the Cuban Missile Crisis.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>Declassified backchannel discussions between Reagan advisor Jack Matlock and Soviet sources who warned of \u201cgrowing paranoia among Soviet officials\u201d whom the source described as \u201cliterally obsessed by fear of war.\u201d<\/li>\n<li>Interviews with high level \u201cunhappy Cold Warriors\u201d in the Soviet military, conducted in the early 1990s, in which they explain their recollections and experiences during the War Scare.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Before reviewing the documents, it is important to note that the NATO exercise was not known to Soviet intelligence as \u201cAble Archer 83\u00e2\u20ac\u00b3 at the time it was being conducted. Soviet analysts referred to it as \u201cAutumn Forge 83,\u201d the name for the larger, months-long, series of NATO maneuvers, of which Able Archer was the conclusion.<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref4\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn4\" id=\"_ftnref4\"><\/a><sup>[4]<\/sup>\u00a0Most American military and intelligence analysts would have known the exercise as \u201cReforger 83,\u201d which occurred during the final phase of Autumn Forge with a momentous \u201cshow of resolve\u201d by air-lifting 19,000 troops and 1,500 tons of cargo from the United States to Europe to simulate a conventional war. Able Archer 83, sponsored by the NATO Supreme Allied Commander in Europe (SACEUR) and conducted from 7 to 11 November 1983, simulated the transition from conventional to nuclear war.<\/p>\n<p>The name \u201cAble Archer 83\u00e2\u20ac\u00b3 came into vogue with the first public expos\u00c3\u00a9 of the incident in an October 16, 1988,\u00a0<em>Sunday Telegraph\u00a0<\/em>article entitled \u201cBrink of World War III: When the World Almost Went to War.\u201d Hence, \u201cAble Archer 83,\u201d the term most used by the historical community, was not the term most commonly used by actors as the event transpired. In one interview (to be published in a forthcoming Electronic Briefing Book (EBB) in this series), the head of the Soviet General Staff, Marshal Sergei Akhromeyev, states that he did \u201cnot remember\u201d Able Archer 83 but added that \u201c[w]e believed that the most dangerous military exercises were Autumn Forge and Reforger.\u201d This suggests that some Soviet \u201cnon-recollections\u201d of \u201cAble Archer\u201d may not be the best evidence for a lack of danger, and that the War Scare deserves further declassification, research, and examination.<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref5\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn5\" id=\"_ftnref5\"><\/a><sup>[5]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Below, for submission into the \u201cecho chamber,\u201d is the first of three Electronic Briefing Books on the War Scare. This first posting will examine: the unprecedented Soviet espionage effort, Operation RYaN; the \u201cfear of war [that] seemed to affect the elite as well as the man on the street\u201d and that led to the operation; and the Reagan administration\u2019s internal debates over the veracity of Soviet attitudes \u2013 whether they were \u201chuffing and puffing\u201d or genuinely fearful. The second EBB will examine the exercises Autumn Forge 83, Reforger 83, and Able Archer 83, using NATO, U.S. Air Force, and other documents. The third posting will chronicle the U.S. intelligence community\u2019s evolving understanding of and debate over the 1983 War Scare.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>THE DOCUMENTS<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Listed non-chronologically to present a clearer narrative.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/1.Talking%20Points%20for%20Meeting%20with%20Ambassador%20to%20the%20Soviet%20Union%20Arthur%20Hartman-March%2028,%201984.pdf\">Document 1<\/a>: Talking Points for Meeting with Ambassador to the Soviet Union Arthur Hartman, March 28, 1984, Confidential.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong><\/strong><strong>Source: Reagan Presidential Library, Matlock files, Chron June 1984, Box 5.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong><\/strong>Reagan held two index cards with three questions printed on them during his meeting with Ambassador Hartman in the Oval Office. The final one, \u201cDo you think Soviet leaders really fear us, or is all the huffing and puffing just part of their propaganda?\u201d remains the most important question of the 1983 War Scare. In his diary, Reagan wrote, \u201cArt Hartman came by. He\u2019s truly a fine Ambas. It was good to have a chance to pick his brains.\u201d\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref6\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn6\" id=\"_ftnref6\"><\/a><sup>[6]<\/sup>\u00a0But, emblematic of the state of the ongoing War Scare debate, no record of Hartman\u2019s response to Reagan\u2019s question has been found.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/2.American%20Cryptology%20During%20the%20Cold%20War%201945-1989%20Book%20IV%20Cryptologic%20Rebirth%201981-1989-1999.pdf\">Document 2<\/a>:\u00a0<em>American Cryptology During the Cold War, 1945 \u2014 1989, Book IV: Cryptologic Rebirth, 1981-1989,<\/em>\u00a0Thomas R. Johnson, National Security Agency Center for Cryptologic History, 1999, Top Secret-COMINT-UMBRA\/TALENT KEYHOLE\/X1.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: National Security Agency Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Volume four of the National Security Agency\u2019s heavily redacted study on cryptology during the Cold War (see\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB260\/index.htm\">here<\/a>\u00a0for earlier volumes), released to the National Security Archive through the FOIA, is devoted to the Reagan era. The NSA starkly notes that \u201c[t]he Reagan administration marked the height of the Cold War. The president referred to the Soviet Union as the Evil Empire, and was determined to spend it into the ground. The Politburo reciprocated, and the rhetoric on both sides, especially during the first Reagan administration, drove the hysteria. Some called it the Second Cold War. The period 1982-1984 marked the most dangerous Soviet-American confrontation since the Cuban Missile Crisis.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The National Security Agency responded to a 2008 FOIA request on the War Scare by stating that it had 81 relevant documents, but that all were exempt from release. Unhelpfully, the Agency did review, approve for release, stamp, and send a printout of a Wikipedia article.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/3.The%201983%20War%20Scare%20in%20U.S.%20Soviet%20Relations-circa%201996.pdf\">Document 3<\/a>: CIA\u00a0<em>Studies in Intelligence<\/em>\u00a0article by Benjamin B. Fischer, \u201cThe 1983 War Scare in US-Soviet Relations,\u201d Undated, circa 1996, Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Central Intelligence Agency Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Two CIA histories -one declassified and redacted, the other unclassified- chronicle the geopolitical factors that made the War Scare \u201cthe most dangerous Soviet-American confrontation since the Cuban Missile Crisis.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe 1983 War Scare in US-Soviet Relations,\u201d by Ben B. Fischer, a History Fellow at the CIA\u2019s Center for the Study of Intelligence, was authored for the CIA\u2019s classified in-house journal,\u00a0<em>Studies in Intelligence\u00a0<\/em>\u2013 likely prior to the presentation of his longer, unclassified, \u201cA Cold War Conundrum,\u201d although its date is redacted. \u201cThe 1983 War Scare in US-Soviet Relations\u201d concludes that Soviet fears of a preemptive U.S. nuclear strike, \u201cwhile exaggerated, were scarcely insane.\u201d Fischer\u2019s account starkly claims that the U.S. dismissal of legitimate Soviet fears, including of a \u201cdecapitating\u201d nuclear strike, left the U.S. vulnerable to the possibility that they could lead to very real dangers, including a preemptive Soviet nuclear strike based purely on misinformation.<\/p>\n<p>After President Reagan\u2019s March 1983 assertion that the USSR had violated a self-imposed moratorium on deploying intermediate-range SS-20 missiles facing Western Europe, General Secretary Andropov suggested that Reagan was \u201cinsane and a liar,\u201d repeatedly compared him to Hitler, and espoused rhetoric that made it seem war was imminent. Fischer writes that U.S. officials gave little credence to Soviet concerns \u2013 or dismissed them as propaganda \u2013 and argues that the fears were more nuanced than mere political pandering, as evidenced by Operation RYaN.<\/p>\n<p>According to Fischer\u2019s account, based largely on the MI6 and CIA asset Oleg Gordievsky, in 1981 the Soviet Union launched Operation RYaN, a combined intelligence effort among the KGB and their GRU (military intelligence) counterparts, to monitor indications and warnings of U.S. war-planning, and by 1983 RYaN had acquired \u201can especial degree of urgency.\u201d RYaN was, according to Fischer, \u201cfor real,\u201d and was in part a likely byproduct of American PSYOP tactics conducted throughout the previous two years.<\/p>\n<p>The report also extablishes \u2013 for the first time \u2013 that another CIA source was, at least partially, corroborating Gordievsky\u2019s reporting. This Czechoslovak intelligence officer \u2013 who worked closely with the KGB on RYaN \u2013 \u201cnoted that his counterparts were obsessed with the historical parallel between 1941 and 1983. He believed this feeling was almost visceral, not intellectual, and deeply affected Soviet thinking.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This CIA history also reveals that the U.S. military had been probing Soviet airspace to pinpoint vulnerabilities since the beginning of the Reagan administration, and that in 1981 the U.S. Navy led an armada of 83 ships through Soviet waters, effectively eluding \u201cthe USSR\u2019s massive ocean reconnaissance system and early-warning systems.\u201d In addition to the PSYOP exercises, and in the heated aftermath of the KAL 007 tragedy of September 1, 1983, the U.S. Navy flew aircraft 20 miles inside Soviet airspace, prompting Andropov to issue orders that \u201cany aircraft discovered in Soviet airspace be shot down. Air-defense commanders were warned that if they refused to execute Andropov\u2019s order, they would be dismissed.\u201d Tensions, and Moscow\u2019s suspicions of a possible U.S. attack, were high. These events rattled Soviet leaders, already aware that their technological capabilities were lagging behind the U.S., and they ramped up Operation RYaN efforts.<\/p>\n<p>Fischer writes that as the Soviets were conducting Operation RYaN, the U.S. began Able Archer 83, an annual NATO command post exercise that the Soviets were familiar with. However, Gordievsky told MI6 that during Able Archer 83, Moscow incorrectly informed its KGB and GRU stations that U.S. forces were mobilizing in Europe. Air bases in East Germany and Poland were put on alert \u201cfor the first and last time during the Cold War.\u201d Fischer points out that while the White House was cognizant of Soviet anxiety in the aftermath of Able Archer 83 by way of Gordievsky, there is no corroborating evidence of fear of imminent war from the Kremlin itself, and that other senior Soviet leaders later reported \u201cthat none had heard of Able Archer.\u201d (Importantly, there was no mention of Autumn Forge or Reforger.) Though Gordievsky\u2019s accounts were uncorroborated, they undoubtedly influenced U.S. attitudes toward the Soviets.<\/p>\n<p>Fischer concludes that Operation RYaN and the urgency to collect intelligence on U.S. capabilities was more than what Reagan called \u201chuffing and puffing.\u201d He adds that the fear was magnified by the growing technological disparity between the two superpowers, and describes Able Archer 83 as the \u201clast paroxysm at the end of the Cold War.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/4.A%20Cold%20War%20Conundrum-September%201997.pdf\">Document 4<\/a>: Central Intelligence Agency Intelligence Monograph by Benjamin B. Fischer, \u201cA Cold War Conundrum: The 1983 Soviet War Scare,\u201d September 1997, Unclassified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: CIA Electronic Reading Room.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>A second, well-circulated historical monograph published by Ben B. Fischer, \u201cA Cold War Conundrum: The 1983 Soviet War Scare\u201d in the CIA\u2019s\u00a0<em>An Intelligence Monograph<\/em>\u00a0series, is a longer, unclassified update of his classified piece, \u201cThe 1983 War Scare in US-Soviet Relations\u201d (see previous document). With a careful reading, \u201cA Cold War Conundrum\u201d gives insight into what the CIA censored from his earlier, redacted\u00a0<em>Studies in Intelligence<\/em>\u00a0piece. While much of the information is the same, the CIA likely redacted passages about the Soviet\u2019s recognition of their own capabilities, their feelings of vulnerability surrounding recent international disappointments, Oleg Gordievsky\u2019s credibility, and the competence of MI6.<\/p>\n<p>This unclassified article also describes a 1981 KGB estimate of world trends, redacted from the earlier piece, that concludes that the \u201cUSSR in effect was losing \u2013 and the US was winning \u2013 the Cold War.\u201d While Fischer\u2019s redacted article refers to the Soviets\u2019 acknowledgment of an unfavorable \u201ccorrelation of world forces,\u201d this unclassified article underscores the USSR\u2019s feelings of vulnerability as it was caught in \u201cits own version of America\u2019s Vietnam quagmire\u201d in Afghanistan, was being drained economically by Cuba, and was struggling to support the pro-Soviet regimes in Angola and Nicaragua. These vulnerabilities were likely amplified by a visible shift in U.S. public opinion, which now supported the \u201clargest peacetime defense buildup in the nation\u2019s history.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The unclassified article also hints at what the largest bulk of redacted portion material likely discusses Oleg Gordievsky. In Appendix B, the unclassified paper outlines the circumstances surrounding Gordievsky\u2019s relationship with MI6 as well as potential\u00a0<em>bona fides\u00a0<\/em>and blemishes on his credibility and track record. While Fischer generally considers Gordievsky credible and\u00a0<em>bona fide<\/em>, the CIA\u2019s declassifiers have redacted information that supports his credibility, including the fact that the British debriefed him \u201c150 times over a period of several months, taking 6,000 pages of notes that were reviewed by analysts. Everything checked out, and no significant inaccuracies or inconsistencies were uncovered.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The description of CIA rival MI6 as \u201ca storehouse of priceless information which even the CIA would find useful\u201d was also omitted in the earlier article.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/5.Thoughts%20on%20Launch%20on%20Warning-January%2029,%201971.pdf\">Document 5<\/a>: Department of State memo from Frank H. Perez, Office of Strategic and General Research at the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, to Leonard Weiss, Deputy Director for Functional Research at the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, \u201cSubject: Thoughts on Launch\u2014on\u2014warning,\u201d January 29, 1971, Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: National Archives, RG 59, Subject-Numeric Files, 1970-1973, Def 12 USSR January 29, 1971, Secret, and\u00a0<\/strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB43\/\"><strong>related documents<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0<strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/6.%20False%20Alerts-July%2012,%201980.pdf\">Document 6<\/a>: Secretary of Defense to President Carter, \u201c<\/strong>\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/nukevault\/ebb371\/docs\/doc%2018%207-12-80.pdf\"><strong>False Alerts<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0<strong>,\u201d July 12, 1980, Top Secret, excised copy, and\u00a0<\/strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/nukevault\/ebb371\/#_edn7\"><strong>related documents<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0<strong>.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Source: Defense Department Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The primary impetus for Operation RYaN was the Soviet fear of a preemptive nuclear strike driven by both superpowers\u2019 reliance on Launch-on-Warning nuclear postures, combined with the planned deployment of Pershing II missiles that could reach Moscow from West Germany in six minutes.<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref7\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn7\" id=\"_ftnref7\"><\/a><sup>[7]<\/sup>\u00a0This led to Soviet worries of a \u201cdecapitating first strike\u201d and the initiation of Operation RYaN to detect, and possibly preempt this first strike before its launch.<\/p>\n<p>U.S. national security advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski was the victim of one terrifying example proving the danger posed by shrinking warning times, which he recounted to his aide, Robert Gates. Gates, who later served as director of Central Intelligence and secretary of defense, recounted in his memoirs that on November 9, 1979, Brzezinski \u201cwas awakened at three in the morning by [military assistant William] Odom, who told him that some 250 Soviet missiles had been launched against the United States. Brzezinski knew that the President\u2019s decision time to order retaliation was from three to seven minutes \u2026. Thus he told Odom he would stand by for a further call to confirm Soviet launch and the intended targets before calling the President. Brzezinski was convinced we had to hit back and told Odom to confirm that the Strategic Air Command was launching its planes. When Odom called back, he reported that \u2026 2,200 missiles had been launched \u2013 it was an all \u2013 out attack. One minute before Brzezinski intended to call the President, Odom called a third time to say that other warning systems were not reporting Soviet launches. Sitting alone in the middle of the night, Brzezinski had not awakened his wife, reckoning that everyone would be dead in half an hour. It had been a false alarm. Someone had mistakenly put military exercise tapes into the computer system.\u201d\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref8\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn8\" id=\"_ftnref8\"><\/a>[8]\u00a0In 1980 alone, U.S. warning systems generated three more false alerts.<\/p>\n<p>Valentin Falin, a high ranking Soviet official in the Foreign Ministry, described Soviet anxieties in the Central Committee\u2019s prominent journal,\u00a0<em>Kommunist.\u00a0<\/em>He wrote that with the deployment of Pershing II missiles in 1983, \u201c[i]mperialism has decided to limit both the time and the space of the USSR and for all the world of socialism, to just five minutes for contemplation in a crisis situation.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref9\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn9\" id=\"_ftnref9\"><\/a><sup>[9]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>President Reagan also realized this danger, writing in his memoirs, \u201cWe had many contingency plans for responding to a nuclear attack. But everything would happen so fast that I wondered how much planning or reason could be applied in such a crisis \u2026\u00a0<em>Six minutes\u00a0<\/em>to decide how to respond to a blip on a radar scope and decide whether to unleash Armageddon! How could anyone apply reason at a time like that?\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref10\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn10\" id=\"_ftnref10\"><\/a><sup>[10]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/7.Interview%20with%20Viktor%20M.%20Surikov%20by%20John%20G.%20Hines-September%2011,%201993.pdf\">Document 7<\/a>: Interview with Viktor M. Surikov, Deputy Director of the Central Scientific Research Institute, by John G. Hines, September 11, 1993 in\u00a0<em>Soviet Intentions 1965-1985: Volume II Soviet Post-Cold War Testimonial Evidence<\/em>, by John G. Hines, Ellis M. Mishulovich, of BDM Federal, INC. for the Office of the Secretary of Defense Net Assessment. Unclassified with portions \u201cretroactively\u201d classified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Defense Department Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In 1995, the Pentagon contractor, BDM Corporation, prepared a two-volume study on\u00a0<em>Soviet Intentions, 1965-1985,<\/em>\u00a0based on an extraordinarily revealing series of interviews with former senior Soviet defense officials \u2013 \u201cunhappy Cold Warriors\u201d \u2013 during the final days of the Soviet Union. The interviews contain candid Soviet reflections on the 1983 War Scare.<\/p>\n<p>One interviewee, Viktor Surikov, who had over 30 years experience building, testing, and analyzing military missiles and related systems, acknowledged that a shift toward preemption had occurred on the Soviet side as well. Surikov challenged his interviewer, John Hines, alleging that \u201cU.S. strategy and posture was to strike first in a crisis in order to minimize damage to the U.S. He added that U.S. analysts had concluded that there were tremendous differences in levels of damage to the U.S. under conditions where the U.S. succeeded in successfully preemptively striking Soviet missiles and control systems before they launched versus under conditions of a simultaneous exchange or U.S. retaliation. He said, \u2018John, if you deny that, then either you\u2019re ignorant about your own posture or you\u2019re lying to me.\u2019 I acknowledged that the U.S. certainly had done such analysis.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Surikov believed that the basic Soviet nuclear position and posture was also preemption. Soviet General Valentin Varennikov, who served on the General Staff, corroborates this dangerous change in nuclear warfighting. He recounts that in 1983, the Soviet military conducted its own exercise,<em>Zapad<\/em>\u00a0(West) 83, which, \u201cprepared (for the first time since the Second World War) for a situation where our armed forces obtained reliable data of [an adversary&#8217;s] decision made by highest military and political leadership to launch a surprise attack, using all possible firepower (artillery, aviation, etc.) against us. In response, we conducted offensive operations to disrupt the enemy attack and defeat its troops. That is, a preemptive strike.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref11\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn11\" id=\"_ftnref11\"><\/a><sup>[11]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/8.%20Report%20of%20the%20Work%20of%20the%20KGB%20in%201981-May%2010,%201982.pdf\">Document 8<\/a>: KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov to General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, \u201cReport of the Work of the KGB in 1981,\u201d May 10, 1982, and General Secretary Yuri Andropov from Victor Chebrikov, \u201cReport of the Work of the KGB in 1982,\u201d March 15, 1983.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Dmitrii Antonovich Volkogonov Papers. Available at the National Security Archive.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>While Yuri Andropov\u2019s 1981 KGB report to Leonid Brezhnev did not use the specific term \u201cOperation RYaN,\u201d it did state that the KGB had \u201cimplemented measures to strengthen intelligence work in order to prevent a possible sudden outbreak of war by the enemy.\u201d To do this, the KGB \u201cactively obtained information on military and strategic issues, and the aggressive military and political plans of imperialism [the United States] and its accomplices,\u201d and \u201cenhanced the relevance and effectiveness of its active intelligence abilities.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The 1982 report \u2013 this time sent to General Secretary Andropov from KGB Chairman Victor Chebrikov \u2013 confirmed genuine Soviet fears of encirclement. It noted the challenges of counting on \u201cU.S. and NATO aspirations to change the existing military-strategic balance,\u201d and, as such, \u201cPrimary attention was paid to military and strategic issues related to the danger of the enemy\u2019s thermonuclear attack.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>These KGB reports (although they do not mention collaboration with the GRU \u2013 Soviet military intelligence) square with Gordievsky\u2019s account of the establishment of RYaN.<\/p>\n<p>Gordievsky wrote in 1991, that \u201cIn May of 1981 the ageing Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev denounced Reagan\u2019s policies in a secret address to a major KGB conference in Moscow. The most dramatic speech, however, was given by Yuri Andropov, [then] Chairman of the KGB \u2026 The new American administration, he declared, was actively preparing for nuclear war. To the astonishment of his audience, Andropov then announced that, by a decision of the Politburo, the KGB and GRU were for the first time to cooperate in a worldwide intelligence operation codenamed RYaN.\u201d\u00a0<sup><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref12\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn12\" id=\"_ftnref12\"><\/a>[12]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/9.Permanent%20Operational%20assignment%20to%20uncover%20NATO%20preparations%20for%20a%20nuclear%20missile%20attack%20on%20the%20USSR-February%202,%201983.pdf\">Document 9<\/a>: KGB Headquarters Moscow, to the London KGB Residency, \u201cPermanent operational assignment to uncover NATO preparations for a nuclear missile attack on the USSR,\u201d and enclosed documents, February 17, 1983, Top Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky,\u00a0<em>Comrade Kryuchkov\u2019s Instructions: Top Secret Files on KGB Foreign Operations, 1975-1985,\u00a0<\/em>(Stanford: Stanford University Press 1991).<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>According to Gordievsky, each station chief in \u201cWestern countries, Japan, and some states in the Third World\u201d received an Operation RYaN directive. Each was addressed by name, labeled \u201cstrictly personal,\u201d and was designated to be kept in a special file. The directive stated:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe objective of the assignment is to see that the Residency works systematically to uncover any plans in preparation by the main adversary [USA] for RYaN and to organize a continual watch to be kept for indications of a decision being taken to use nuclear weapons against the USSR or immediate preparations being made for a nuclear missile attack.\u201d\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref13\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn13\" id=\"_ftnref13\"><\/a><sup>[13]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Attached to the telegram was a list of seven \u201cimmediate\u201d and thirteen \u201cprospective\u201d tasks for the agents to complete and report. These included: the collection of data on potential places of evacuation and shelter, an appraisal of the level of blood held in blood banks, observation of places where nuclear decisions were made and where nuclear weapons were stored, observation of key nuclear decision makers, observation of lines of communication, reconnaissance of the heads of churches and banks, and surveillance of security services and military installations.<\/p>\n<p>Many of the assigned observations would have been very poor indicators of a nuclear attack. Others, including communications lines, nuclear decision makers, and \u2014 most significantly \u2014 missile depots, might have accurately shown whether a nuclear attack was imminent.<\/p>\n<p>Also attached to the telegram was a thorough and accurate description of the likely methods by which the United States or NATO would launch nuclear war, including a summary of the five DEFCON levels, here called \u201coperational readiness\u201d levels. This attachment emphasized that once the West had decided to launch a nuclear attack; a substantial preparatory period would be required. These preparations included nuclear consultations through secret channels, transportation of nuclear weapons, and preparation of civil defense institutions.<\/p>\n<p>Regrettably,\u00a0<em>Comrade Kryuchkov\u2019s Instructions\u00a0<\/em>include a facsimile reproduction of only the first page of this document. The additional pages were translated and typeset into English with no Russian corroboration of their authenticity.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/10.MVR%20Information%20re%20Results%20from%20the%20work%20of%20the%20improvement%20of%20the%20System%20for%20detection%20of%20RYAN%20indicators-March%209,%201984.pdf\">Document 10<\/a>: \u201cMVR Information re: Results from the work on the improvement of the System for detection of RYAN indications, 9 March 1984,\u201d and related documents, Top Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Archive of the Ministry of the Interior and Diplomatic Archive of Bulgaria. Kindly provided by Prof. Jordan Baev.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Documents from other Warsaw Pact countries corroborate Soviet descriptions of Operation RYaN. A Top Secret 1984 Bulgarian intelligence document provided instructions to its agents to monitor underground networks, diplomatic representatives from NATO, combat readiness in neighboring countries, and radio-electronic intelligence. Sources from Czech intelligence also confirm the existence of Operation RYaN and show that compiling an \u201cindex of sudden aggression\u201d was the primary mission of Warsaw Pact intelligence agencies.<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref14\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn14\" id=\"_ftnref14\"><\/a><sup>[14]<\/sup>\u00a0Fischer\u2019s history reports that the German Democratic Republic\u2019s Hauptverwaltung Aufkl\u00c3\u00a4rung, (Main Reconnaissance Administration) played a large role in Operation RYaN. Marcus Wolf, known as \u201cthe man without a face,\u201d who served for decades as East Germany\u2019s spymaster wrote, \u201cour Soviet partners had become obsessed with the danger of a nuclear missile attack.\u201d\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref15\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn15\" id=\"_ftnref15\"><\/a><sup>[15]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>One document shows that the Bulgarians monitored \u201cVRYAN indicators\u201d as late as June 1987, and East German documents show that the operation continued until 1990.<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref16\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn16\" id=\"_ftnref16\"><\/a><sup>[16]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/11.Warsaw%20Pact%20Early%20Warning%20Indicator%20Project-February%201,%201985.pdf\">Document 11<\/a>: National Intelligence Officer for Warning to Director of Soviet Analysis [CIA] from, \u201cSubject: Warsaw Pact Early Warning Indicator Project,\u201d 1 February 1985, Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Central Intelligence Agency Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>As this heavily redacted memo shows, Operation RYaN had its analogue in U.S. intelligence gathering. The CIA was also working with the DIA, and presumably allied intelligence agencies, to create a list of indicators \u2013 including the defense industry \u2013 for its chiefs of station to monitor, in an attempt to \u201cemphasize greater early warning cooperation with intelligence services.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Other parallels to RYaN date back to 1961, when the Soviets also\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.foia.cia.gov\/sites\/default\/files\/document_conversions\/46\/1961-07-04.pdf\">instructed embassies<\/a>\u00a0in all \u201ccapitalist\u201d countries to collect and report information during the Berlin Crisis. In 1991, one might have deduced the January 16 Desert Storm invasion by monitoring the\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.army.mil\/article\/2758\/army-releases-new-opsec-regulation\/\">influx of pizza deliveries<\/a>\u00a0to the Pentagon, according to current U.S. Army Operational Security (OPSEC)\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.fas.org\/irp\/doddir\/army\/ar530-1-2005.pdf\">training materials<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/12.%20Notes%20of%20Conversation%20with%20Secretary%20Shultz,%20Undersecretary%20%20Eagleburger,%20and%20Averell%20Harriman-ca%20May%201983.pdf\">Document 12<\/a>: Notes of a Conversation with Secretary of State George Shultz, Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, and Averell Harriman, Undated (prior to Harriman\u2019s trip to the Soviet Union). (Circa May 1983).<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: W. Averell Harriman Papers, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Box 655.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In May of 1983 \u2013 as the Soviets were conducting Operation RYaN \u2013 Averell Harriman, who had served as the U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union during the Second World War, would meet face to face with General Secretary Andropov to \u201csize up\u201d the disposition of the Soviet leadership and attempt to determine their perspectives and intentions.<strong><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Before travelling to the Soviet Union, Harriman met with Secretary of State George Shultz. The two discussed how Harriman should approach his meeting, agreeing that Harriman should state he is meeting as a private citizen. They also decided that they should continue to push for expanded contact with the Soviet Ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin. Shultz told Harriman that since he had \u201ctalked with the Soviets more than anyone else\u201d he should \u201csize up\u201d the way that Andropov behaves and estimate \u201chis desire for a better relationship with the US.\u201d Harriman concluded the conversation by alluding to the President\u2019s confrontational rhetoric, telling Shultz, \u201cI do wish the President could be more careful.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Shultz himself had met Andropov only briefly in November 1982 at Brezhnev\u2019s funeral. Shultz<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/nsarchive.files.wordpress.com\/2013\/05\/shultz-andropov.pdf\">noted at the time<\/a>\u00a0that he got the feeling the new GenSec \u201ccould take us on\u201d and that he \u201cstill had a great deal of energy about him\u201d after shaking some 2,000 hands.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/13.%20Memorandum%20of%20Conversation%20with%20Georgy%20Arbatov%20and%20Averell%20Harriman-May%2031,%201983.pdf\">Document 13<\/a>: Memorandum of Conversation with Institute for USA and Canada Studies Director Georgy Arbatov and Averell Harriman, May 31, 1983.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: W. Averell Harriman Papers, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Box 655.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Two days before the meeting with Andropov, the well-connected expert Georgy Arbatov talked to Harriman to \u201cpreview\u201d the meeting with the General Secretary. Arbatov revealed Soviet anxiety over the strained state of U.S.-USSR relations, telling Harriman that, \u201cIn the Soviet view, this was the first real meeting between the United States and the Soviet Union since the start of the current [Reagan] Administration.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/14.%20Memorandum%20of%20Covnersation%20between%20Gen%20Sec%20Andropov%20and%20Averell%20Harriman-June%202,%201983.pdf\">Document 14<\/a>: Memorandum of Conversation between General Secretary Yuri Andropov and Averell Harriman, 3:00 PM, June 2 1983, CPSU Central Committee Headquarters, Moscow.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: W. Averell Harriman Papers, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Box 655.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Harriman met with General Secretary Andropov for an hour and twenty minutes. Harriman told Andropov he was travelling as a private citizen but was accompanied with a translator provided by the Department of State. Harriman\u2019s notes show that he believed that Andropov\u2019s fear of war through miscalculation was genuine, rather than \u2013 to quote Reagan \u2013 \u201chuffing and puffing.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Andropov opened the conversation by stating: \u201cLet me say that there are indeed grounds for alarm.\u201d He bemoaned the harsh anti-Soviet tone of President Reagan and warned that, \u201cThe previous experience of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States cautions beyond all doubt that such a policy can merely lead to aggravation, complexity and danger.\u201d Andropov alluded to nuclear war four times during his short statement; most ominously, he morosely stated, \u201cIt would seem that awareness of this danger should be precisely the common denominator with which statesmen of both countries would exercise restraint and seek mutual understanding to strengthen confidence, to avoid the irreparable. However, I must say that I do not see it on the part of the current administration and they may be moving toward the dangerous \u2018red line.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Harriman concluded: \u201cthe principal point which the General Secretary appeared to be trying to get \u2026 was a genuine concern over the state of U.S.-Soviet relations and his desire to see them at least \u2018normalized,\u2019 if not improved. He seemed to have a real worry that we could come into conflict through miscalculation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/15.Meeting%20of%20the%20Politburo-August%204,%201983.pdf\">Document 15<\/a>: \u201cMeeting of the Politburo,\u201d Working notes, August 4, 1983, Top Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Dmitrii Antonovich Volkogonov Papers, Container 26, Reel 17.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Two months after meeting with Harriman, Andropov presided over an August 1983 Politburo meeting \u2013 one of the last he attended before being committed to a hospital bed beginning in September \u2013 and spoke of using \u201cdiplomatic propaganda actions\u201d to stop the deployment of Pershing II missiles. Andropov enumerated three measures the Soviet leadership needed to take to attempt to stop the November deployment in Western Europe of the Pershings, which could reach Moscow in less than six minutes -striking before the Soviet leadership could retreat to their bunkers.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c1. We must not lose time setting in motion all the levers that could impact the governments and parliaments of the NATO countries in order to create maximum obstruction on the path of deployment of American missiles in Europe.<br \/>2. It is essential to smartly and precisely coordinate all of this, so diplomatic propaganda actions must complement and reinforce each other.<br \/>3. Steps should not be formal, but specifically designed to produce the effect [of aborted deployment].\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Andropov\u2019s speech confirms that the Soviets were using propaganda as a tool to stop the deployment of Pershing II missiles, but also reflected the Soviet fear of the destabilization of the nuclear balance referenced in the 1981 and 1982 KGB reports.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/16.Unpublished%20interview%20with%20Mark%20Palmer-Undated,%201989%20or%201990.pdf\">Document 16<\/a>: Unpublished Interview with State Department Official Mark Palmer, (Excerpt), Undated, circa 1989-1990.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Princeton University, Mudd Manuscript Library, Don Oberdorfer Papers 1983-1990, Series 3, Research Documents Files.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The late Mark Palmer, a top Kremlinologist in the State Department (and U.S. ambassador to Hungary from 1986 to 1990), retrospectively summarized the Reagan administration\u2019s internal \u201cargument\u201d about \u201cwhat the Soviet view of the West is,\u201d in an unpublished interview with\u00a0<em>The Washington Post<\/em>\u2018s Don Oberdorfer.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cPaul [Nitze&#8217;s and others] view is that they [the Soviets] never really felt threatened \u2026And most Western analysts \u2013 or many, particularly the political-military type analysts feel that way, because they have a hard time, I think, psychologically seeing, as most people do, seeing themselves as possibly being a bad guy in anyone else\u2019s eyes\u2026.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI, on the other hand, think that what Gordievsky [whom he met] reported in \u201981 and etc. \u2013 that he\u2019s reporting accurately the mood in Moscow. That the Soviets have felt surrounded, that they are paranoid, that they have seen us as being unpredictable and irresponsible from their point of view in doing all sorts of things \u2013 invading communist countries, etc, all sorts of stuff. Therefore, I find this entirely credible that they could have, during [what was] a very tense period anyway, [] saw the INF deployments as a threat to them. These were missiles that could hit the Soviet Union. Their [analogous] missiles -the SS 20s- could not hit the United States.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/17.Soviet%20Propaganda%20Alert%20No.%2013%20-%20May%205%201983.pdf\">Document 17<\/a>: United States Information Agency Memorandum for CIA Director William J. Casey, from Charles Z. Wick, \u201cSoviet Propaganda Alert No. 13,\u201d May 5, 1983, Unclassified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: CIA Records Search Tool (CREST) at the National Archives, Doc No\/ESDN: CIA RDP85M00364R001903760018-0.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The USIA\u2019s \u201cSoviet Propaganda Alerts\u201d regularly reported to policymakers news summaries from the Soviet press framed as propaganda orchestrated by the Soviet leadership for political means.<\/p>\n<p>The thirteenth issue of the \u201cSoviet Propaganda Alert,\u201d sent to CIA Director William Casey, relayed that Soviet media had reported that the Pentagon was making \u201chorrendous plans for unleashing and conducting protracted nuclear war against the Soviet Union.\u201d Soviet media described the U.S. strategy as \u201cescalating a conflict to nuclear war and delivering a first strike, in particular by intermediate-range missiles in Western Europe.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/18.US-Soviet%20Relations-October%2011,%201983.pdf\">Document 18<\/a>: \u201cSubject: U.S.-Soviet Relations,\u201d The White House Memorandum of Conversation, October 11, 1983, Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Reagan Presidential Library, Matlock Files, Chron October 1983 [10\/11\/1983-10\/24\/1983], Box 2, 90888.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>U.S.-Soviet backchannel contacts warned that the tense atmosphere in the Soviet Union was not only propaganda. This memo summarizes NSC Soviet expert Jack Matlock\u2019s lunch meeting with Sergei Vishensky, a columnist for\u00a0<em>Pravda<\/em>, with \u201csound Party and (almost certainly) KGB credentials\u201d at The Buck Stops Here Cafeteria. Vishensky, whom Matlock believes was \u201cconveying a series of messages someone in the regime wants us to hear,\u201d warned that \u201cthe state of U.S.-Soviet relations has deteriorated to a dangerous point. Many in the Soviet public are asking if war is imminent.\u201d He also told Matlock that \u201cthe leadership is convinced that the Reagan Administration is out to bring their system down and will give no quarter; therefore they have no choice but to hunker down and fight back.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/19.American%20Academic%20on%20Soviet%20Policy-December%2013,%201983.pdf\">Document 19<\/a>: Memorandum for National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane from Soviet expert Jack Matlock, \u201cSubject: American Academic on Soviet Policy,\u201d December 13, 1983, Confidential with attached EXDIS cable from the American Embassy in Moscow.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Reagan Presidential Library, Matlock Files, Chron December 1983 [1 of 2], Box 2, 90888<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Other sources confirmed this fear of war. In February, Jack Matlock sent National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane a memo warning that since mid-1983, a \u201cfear of war seemed to affect the elite as well as the man on the street.\u201d He attached a copy of a December 10, 1983, cable describing information from \u201can American academic with excellent entr\u00c3\u00a9e to the Soviet political elite.\u201d The academic warned of \u201cgrowing paranoia among Soviet officials and sees them literally obsessed by fear of war,\u201d and a growing \u201cemotionality and even irrationality\u201d among the elite. The attached EXDIS cable goes further, recounting \u201ca high degree of paranoia among Soviet officials \u2026 not unlike the atmosphere of thirty years ago.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/20.The%20View%20from%20Moscow-November%201983.pdf\">Document 20<\/a>: Herbert E. Meyer, National Intelligence Council, \u201cSubject: The View from Moscow, November 1983 Undated.\u201d Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Reagan Presidential Library, Fortier Files, Soviet Project [1 of 2], Box 97063.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Herbert E. Meyer, Vice Chairman of the National Intelligence Council, summarized and circulated two views of the uncertainty in Moscow in this 1983 memo, which \u2013 as Mark Palmer suggested \u2013 was \u201can attempt to place ourselves in Soviet shoes [and] look at the world as they look at it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>After presenting a bleak view for the future of the Soviet Union the memo concludes by asking, \u201cWhat does all this mean for future Soviet actions?\u201d He presented two views: that the Soviet leadership would either \u201cmake necessary sacrifices to stay in the game, get their licks in whenever and wherever they can, and count on new successes to come\u201d or, with less likelihood, \u201cthe Soviets might consider themselves backed into a corner and lash out dangerously.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/21.Andropovs%20Leadership%20Style%20and%20Strategy-%20February%203,%201984.pdf\">Document 21<\/a>: For National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane from acting Central Intelligence Agency Director John McMahon, \u201cSubject: Andropov\u2019s Leadership Style and Strategy,\u201d February 3, 1984, Secret.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Central Intelligence Agency Electronic Reading Room.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Acting CIA Director John McMahon and National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane also debated whether the Soviet fear of war was genuine. McMahon asserted that \u201cclearly Andropov has a stake in the \u2018appearance\u2019 of bilateral tension as long as it appears that the United States is the offending party. This would not be the first time that Soviet leaders have used international tensions to mobilize their populations,\u201d espousing the view held by some officials \u2013 and supported by Andropov\u2019s August 4 Politburo speech \u2013 that Soviet leadership did at times attempt to gin up its own population with fear of war for political gain.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/22.%20Series%20of%20five%20interviews%20with%20Colonel%20Danilevich%20by%20John%20G.%20Hines-beginning%20December%2018,%201990.pdf\">Document 22<\/a>: Series of five interviews with Colonel General Andrian A. Danilevich by John G. Hines, December 18, 1990 to December 9, 1994, in\u00a0<em>Soviet Intentions 1965-1985: Volume II Soviet Post-Cold War Testimonial Evidence<\/em>, by John G. Hines, Ellis M. Mishulovich, of BDM Federal, INC. for the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Office of Net Assessment. Unclassified with portions \u201cretroactively\u201d classified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Defense Department Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>BDM interviews conducted with the Soviet military elite after the USSR\u2019s collapse provide a retrospective glimpse into the minds of the Soviets, whom some U.S. policy makers were trying to understand in 1983.<\/p>\n<p>Andrian Danilevich, a senior military strategist who reported to Marshal Akhromeyev and authored the three-volume\u00a0<em>Strategy of Deep Operations<\/em>, \u201cthe basic reference document for Soviet strategic and operational nuclear and conventional planning,\u201d told interviewer John Hines of a general fear of war. He recalled \u201cvivid personal memories\u201d and \u201cfrightening situations\u201d during \u201cthe period of great tension\u201d in 1983, but that there was never a sense of \u201can immediate threat\u201d of attack within the general staff. The KGB, he said, may have \u201coverstated the level of tension\u201d because they \u201care generally incompetent in military affairs and exaggerate what they do not understand.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>While recognizing the increased danger of the War Scare, the Soviet General Staff appeared to be less fearful of an imminent American nuclear strike than their KGB counterparts.<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/23.Interview%20with%20Lieutenant%20General%20Batenin%20by%20John%20G.%20Hines-August%206,%201993.pdf\">Document 23<\/a>: Interview with Lieutenant General Gelii Viktorovich Batenin by John G. Hines, August 6, 1993 in\u00a0<em>Soviet Intentions 1965-1985: Volume II Soviet Post-Cold War Testimonial Evidence<\/em>, by John G. Hines, Ellis M. Mishulovich, of BDM Federal, INC. for the Office of the Secretary of Defense Net Assessment. Unclassified with portions \u201cretroactively\u201d classified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Defense Department Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Gelii Batenin, who worked for Marshal Akhromeyev in the General Staff, told interviewers, \u201cI am very familiar with RYaN.\u201d He also confirmed that the situation was tense but that he personally felt no fear of imminent war. \u201cThere was a great deal of tension in the General Staff at that time and we worked long hours, longer than usual. I don\u2019t recall a period more tense since the Caribbean Crisis in 1962.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/24.Interview%20with%20Colonel%20General%20Korobushin%20by%20John%20G.%20Hines-December%2010,%201992.pdf\">Document 24<\/a>: Interview with Colonel General Varfolomei Vladimirovich Korobushin by John G. Hines, December 10, 1992 in\u00a0<em>Soviet Intentions 1965-1985: Volume II Soviet Post-Cold War Testimonial Evidence<\/em>, by John G. Hines, Ellis M. Mishulovich, of BDM Federal, INC. for the Office of the Secretary of Defense Net Assessment. Unclassified with portions \u201cretroactively\u201d classified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Defense Department Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Varfolomei Korobushin, former Deputy Chief of Staff of Strategic Rocket Forces, recounted the situation as more dire than some of his colleagues remembered: \u201cWe in the Central Committee\u2019s Defense Department considered the early 1980s to be a crisis period, a pre-wartime period. We organized night shifts so that there was always someone on duty in the Central Committee. When Pershing IIs were deployed, there appeared the question of what to do with them in case they were in danger of falling into Warsaw Pact hands during a war. These missiles had to be launched. This made them extremely destabilizing. Furthermore, the only possible targets of these missiles was our leadership in Moscow because Pershings could not reach most of our missiles.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>His recollection is more chilling with his revelation that, \u201cit took just 13 seconds to deliver the decision [to launch a nuclear attack] to all of the launch sites in the Soviet Union.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/25.%20Series%20of%20six%20Interviews%20with%20Dr.Tsygichko%20by%20John%20G.%20Hines-beginning%20December%2010,%201990.pdf\">Document 25<\/a>: Series of six interviews with Dr. Vitalii Nikolaevich Tsygichko, General Staff Analyst by John G. Hines, December 10, 1990-1991 in\u00a0<em>Soviet Intentions 1965-1985: Volume II Soviet Post-Cold War Testimonial Evidence<\/em>, by John G. Hines, Ellis M. Mishulovich, of BDM Federal, INC. for the Office of the Secretary of Defense Net Assessment. Unclassified with portions \u201cretroactively\u201d classified.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source: Defense Department Freedom of Information Act release.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>After acknowledging that \u201cvictory\u201d in a nuclear war, even if achieved, would be \u201cmeaningless,\u201d Vitalii Tsygichko revealed how a Soviet nuclear launch would progress:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe plan, which was updated every 6 months, called for Soviet \u201claunch-under-attack\u201d [<em>otvetno-vstrechnyi udar<\/em>] using\u00a0<em>all\u00a0<\/em>Soviet silo-based systems. This annihilating retaliatory nuclear strike [<em>unichtozhaiushchii otvetno-yadernyi udar<\/em>] would be directed not against U.S. silos, which Soviet planners assumed would be empty, but rather against military targets (such as airfields, ports, and C<sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0facilities) and against the U.S. political and economic infrastructure (including transportation grids and fuel supply lines).\u201d<\/p>\n<p>During a 2006 oral history conference he warned that not all Soviets (or Americans) understood the consequences of nuclear war as well as he:<\/p>\n<p>\u201cAmong politicians as well as the military, there were a lot of crazy people who would not consider the consequences of a nuclear strike. They just wanted to respond to a certain action without dealing with the \u2019cause and effect\u2019 problems. They were not seeking any reasonable explanations, but used one selective response to whatever an option was. I know many military people who look like normal people, but it was difficult to explain to them that waging nuclear war was not feasible. We had a lot of arguments in this respect. Unfortunately, as far as I know, there are a lot of stupid people both in NATO and our country.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref17\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn17\" id=\"_ftnref17\"><\/a><sup>[17]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p><strong><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/docs\/26.%20Diary%20Entry%20by%20Ronald%20Reagan-October%2010,%201983.pdf\">Document 26<\/a>: October 10, 1983, Diary Entry by Ronald Reagan.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Source:\u00a0<em>The Reagan Diaries Unabridged<\/em>: Volume 1: January 1981-October 1985, edited by Douglas Brinkley, some information censored by request of the National Security Council.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>President Reagan himself came to an epiphany of the unfeasibility of nuclear war during this period. On the morning of Columbus day, October 10, 1983, he watched an advance screening of the television film\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=r2B7sdLPMfc\"><em>The Day After<\/em><\/a><em>,\u00a0<\/em>at Camp David.\u00a0<em>The Day After\u00a0<\/em>was<em>\u00a0<\/em>a realistic portrayal of nuclear war described by\u00a0<em>The<\/em>\u00a0<em>Washington Post<\/em>\u00a0as a \u201chorrific vision of nuclear holocaust.\u201d Reagan wrote in his diary: \u201cIt has Lawrence Kansas wiped out in a nuclear war with Russia. It is powerfully done -all $7 mil. worth. It\u2019s very effective &amp; left me greatly depressed.\u201d<a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftnref18\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftn18\" id=\"_ftnref18\"><\/a><sup>[18]<\/sup>\u00a0As Andropov had told Harriman, the leaders of the two superpowers did indeed share a \u201ccommon denominator:\u201d fear of the danger of \u201cconflict through miscalculation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><em>The next War Scare Electronic Briefing Book will rely on documents including a NATO summary and declassified after-action reports to present the most detailed description to date of Able Archer 83, the NATO drill that \u201cpractice[d] command and control procedures with a particular emphasis on the transition from purely conventional operations to chemical, nuclear and conventional operations \u2026 with three days of \u2018low spectrum\u2019 conventional play followed by two days of \u2018high spectrum\u2019 nuclear warfare.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>NOTES<\/strong><\/p>\n<div id=\"ftn1\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn1\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref1\" id=\"_ftn1\"><\/a>[1]\u00a0Robert Gates,\u00a0<em>From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider\u2019s Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War<\/em>, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2007), 273.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn4\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn4\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref4\" id=\"_ftn4\"><\/a>[4]\u00a0See for instance, Colonel L. V. Levadov, \u201c<em>Itogi operativnoi podgotovki obedinennykh sil NATO v 1983 godu<\/em>\u201d (Results of the Operational Training of NATO Joint Armed Forces in 1983,\u201d<em>Voyennaya Misl\u2019\u00a0<\/em>(Military Thought), no. 2 (February 1984), 67-76.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn5\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn5\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref5\" id=\"_ftn5\"><\/a>[5]\u00a0One recent paper, \u201c\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/nsarchive.files.wordpress.com\/2013\/05\/the-able-archer-83-non-crisis-by-mark-kramer.pdf\">The Able Archer 83 Non-Crisis: Did Soviet Leaders Really Fear an Imminent Nuclear Attack in 1983?<\/a>,\u201d relies primarily upon an analysis of Politburo minutes from 1983 and early 1984, (which do not mention \u201cAble Archer 83\u00e2\u20ac\u00b3 or the specific threat of imminent nuclear war), to deduce that the \u201cpurported crisis\u201d of 1983 \u201cdid not exist at all.\u201d The minutes of these meetings can be found in a donation to the\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/findingaids.loc.gov\/db\/search\/xq\/searchMfer02.xq?_id=loc.mss.eadmss.ms009065&amp;_faSection=overview&amp;_faSubsection=did&amp;_dmdid=\">Library of Congress\u00a0<\/a>by Soviet general-turned-historian Dmitri Volkogonov, and in \u201c<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.hoover.org\/library-and-archives\/collections\/russia-cis\/featured-collections\/soviet-archives\"><em>Fond 89<\/em><\/a>,\u201d a collection of documents \u201csubmitted to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation for the trial of the Soviet Communist Party\u201d in 1992 and published by Stanford University\u2019s Hoover Intuition. One must keep in mind, however, that historians do not yet have access to the minutes of every Politburo meeting from that period. (For that matter, a set of August 4, 1983, minutes included below, but not in the \u201cThe Able Archer 83 Non-Crisis\u201d paper, describes Andropov\u2019s instructions to use \u201call levers\u201d to stop the deployment of Pershing II missiles in Europe.) Most importantly, the key discussions during Andropov\u2019s tenure as General Secretary did not occur in formal Politburo meetings, but at his hospital bedside. According to historian Roy Medvedev\u2019s biography, Andropov would summon his advisors, generals, and Politburo members to his hospital bed to govern the Soviet Union. It was there that Andropov was \u201cfully engaged in the leadership of the country and the army, and the defense of the country,\u201d according to Marshal Nikolai Ogarkov. As such, an examination of sources broader than select Politburo minutes is required to attain the full picture of the Soviet leadership\u2019s views on the 1983 War Scare. Roy A. Medvedev,\u00a0<em>Neizvestnii Andropov\u00a0<\/em>(The Unknown Andropov), (Rostov: Feniks, 1999), 379-382. The Politburo minutes cited in \u201cThe Able Archer 83 Non-Crisis\u201d are: May 26, 1983; May 31, 1983; July 7, 1983; September 2, 1983; September 8, 1983; November 15, 1983; November 24, 1983; January 19, 1984; February 10, 1984; February 23, 1984; and March 1, 1984. They can be viewed at the National Security Archive.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn6\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn6\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref6\" id=\"_ftn6\"><\/a>[6]\u00a0Ronald Reagan,\u00a0<em>The Reagan Diaries Unabridged<\/em>: Volume 1: January 1981-October 1985, edited by Douglass Brinkley, (New York: HarperCollins, 2009), 333.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn7\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn7\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref7\" id=\"_ftn7\"><\/a>[7]\u00a0Pershing IIs were not deployed to Europe until 23 November 1983, but former CIA analyst Peter Vincent Pry speculates that it is likely that Soviet intelligence believed several Pershing II missiles had been deployed before their announced date. Their impending deployment, along with launch on warning doctrine led to an increased reliance upon human intelligence (as opposed to radar and satellite technology) to monitor for a nuclear attack and the creation of Operation RYaN. Pry, Peter Vincent,\u00a0<em>War Scare: Russia and America on the Nuclear Brink<\/em>, (Westport: Praeger, 1999), p. 34.<strong><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn8\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn8\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref8\" id=\"_ftn8\"><\/a>[8]\u00a0Robert M. Gates.\u00a0<em>From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider\u2019s Story of Five Presidents and How they Won the Cold War\u00a0<\/em>(New York: Simon &amp; Shuster, 1996), 114.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn9\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn9\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref9\" id=\"_ftn9\"><\/a>[9]\u00a0Raymond Garthoff,\u00a0<em>The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War,\u00a0<\/em>(Washington D.C.,: The Brookings Institution, 1994),<em>\u00a0<\/em>173.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn10\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn10\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref10\" id=\"_ftn10\"><\/a>[10]\u00a0Ronald Reagan,\u00a0<em>An American Life: Ronald Reagan<\/em>, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), 257.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn11\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn11\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref11\" id=\"_ftn11\"><\/a>[11]\u00a0Valentin Varennikov,\u00a0<em>Nepovtorimoe, (Unique) Volume 4,\u00a0<\/em>(Moscow: Sovetskii Pisatel\u2019 2001), 168. Varennikov was also commander of Soviet forces in Afghanistan and later participated in the putsch attempt against Mikhail Gorbachev in 1991.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn12\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn12\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref12\" id=\"_ftn12\"><\/a>[12]\u00a0Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky,\u00a0<em>Comrade Kryuchkov\u2019s Instructions: Top Secret Files on KGB Foreign Operations, 1975-1985,\u00a0<\/em>(Stanford: Stanford University Press 1991), 67. A quasi-official history of Russian foreign intelligence states that the goal of Operation RYAN was to counter \u201cthe real threat to the security of the USSR and Warsaw Pact countries\u201d caused by Western military developments and the introduction of new weapons systems. A.I. Kolpakidi and D.P. Prokhorov,\u00a0<em>Vneshnyaya razvedka Rossii<\/em>\u00a0(The Foreign Intelligence Service of Russia) (Saint Petersburg: Neva, 2001), 80.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn13\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn13\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref13\" id=\"_ftn13\"><\/a>[13]\u00a0Other sources vary the spelling of RYaN. Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin spelled it \u201cryon.\u201d Another spelling includes the word \u201csuprise:\u201d \u201cVRYAN\u201d \u201cv<em>nezapnoe raketno yadernoe napadenie\u201d<\/em>\u00a0\u2014<em>surprise<\/em>\u00a0nuclear missile attack. Czech Intelligence referred to the operation as NRJAN. Anatoly Dobrynin,\u00a0<em>In Confidence: Moscow\u2019s Ambassador to Six Cold War Presidents\u00a0<\/em>(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), 523; Oleg Kalugin,\u00a0<em>The First Directorate: My 32 Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West,\u00a0<\/em>(New York: St. Martins, 1994), 302; 9 March 1984, Bulgarian Ministry of Interior; MVR Information re: Results from the work on the improvement of the System for detection of RYAN indications, AMVR, Fond 1, Record 12, File 553, provided by Jordan Baev; Peter Rendek, \u201c\u00a0<a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/nsarchive.files.wordpress.com\/2013\/05\/bul-nkvd-aj.pdf\">Operation ALAN \u2014 Mutual Cooperation of the Czechoslovak Intelligence Service and the Soviet KGB as Given in One of the Largest Leakage Cases of NATO Security Data in the Years 1982 \u2014 1986\u00a0<\/a>.\u201d<em><\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn14\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn14\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref14\" id=\"_ftn14\"><\/a>[14]\u00a0Rendek, \u201cOperation ALAN \u2014 Mutual Cooperation of the Czechoslovak Intelligence Service and the Soviet KGB as Given in One of the Largest Leakage Cases of NATO Security Data in the Years 1982 \u2014 1986,\u201d Presented at The NKVD\/KGB Activities and its Cooperation with other Secret Services in Central and Eastern Europe 1945 \u2014 1989 Conference, Bratislava, 14-16 November 2007.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn15\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn15\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref15\" id=\"_ftn15\"><\/a>[15]\u00a0Markus Wolf with Anne McElvoy,<em>\u00a0Man without a Face: The Autobiography of Communism\u2019s Greatest Spymaster\u00a0<\/em>(New York: Random House, 1997), 222.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn16\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn16\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref16\" id=\"_ftn16\"><\/a>[16]\u00a0Vojtech Mastny, \u201cHow Able Was \u201cAble Archer\u201d? Nuclear Trigger and Intelligence in Perspective,\u201d\u00a0<em>Journal of Cold War Studies<\/em>, Volume 11, Number 1, Winter 2009, 121.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn17\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn17\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref17\" id=\"_ftn17\"><\/a>[17]\u00a0Jen Hoffenaar and Christopher Findlay, eds.,\u00a0<em>Military Planning for European Theatre Conflict During the Cold War: An Oral History Roundtable Stockholm, 24-25 April 2006,<\/em>Center for Security Studies ETH Zurich, 161.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"ftn18\">\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" title=\"\" name=\"_ftn18\" href=\"http:\/\/www.gwu.edu\/~nsarchiv\/NSAEBB\/NSAEBB426\/#_ftnref18\" id=\"_ftn18\"><\/a>[18]\u00a0Reagan,\u00a0<em>Diaries,<\/em>\u00a0273.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>This article originally appeared on : <a href=\"http:\/\/www.globalresearch.ca\/the-1983-nuclear-war-scare\/5335445?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=the-1983-nuclear-war-scare\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"The 1983 Nuclear War Scare\">Global Research<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Image: President Reagan and General Secretary Andropov were named \u201cmen of the year\u201d in 1983 by the Time Magazine. The Central Intelligence Agency also included an image of this cover in its history of the 1983 War Scare. (Original cover \u00a9 Time, Inc.) Soviet \u201cHuffing and Puffing?\u201d \u201cCrying Wolf?\u201d \u201cRattling Pots and Pans?\u201d or \u201cA [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[487],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-34179","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-breaking-news"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34179","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=34179"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/34179\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=34179"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=34179"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=34179"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}