{"id":2452,"date":"2008-02-12T17:59:52","date_gmt":"2008-02-12T17:59:52","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/media-news\/the-subversion-of-the-free-press-by-the-cia\/2452\/"},"modified":"2008-02-12T17:59:52","modified_gmt":"2008-02-12T17:59:52","slug":"the-subversion-of-the-free-press-by-the-cia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/media-news\/the-subversion-of-the-free-press-by-the-cia\/","title":{"rendered":"The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA"},"content":{"rendered":"

WRH<\/a>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

“You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month.” – CIA operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. “Katherine The Great,” by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991) <\/strong><\/p>\n

As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be controlled by the government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free from such government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the very nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows the government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie itself.\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n

The Alex Constantine Article
\n Tales from the Crypt<\/p>\n

The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA’s Operation MOCKINGBIRD<\/strong><\/p>\n

by Alex Constantine<\/p>\n

Who Controls the Media?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning,
\n double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles
\n and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney.
\n Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world: The
\n Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser .
\n It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that
\n the public print reports news from a parallel universe – one that has
\n never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking
\n thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with
\n secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales – a place overrun by lone
\n gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In
\n this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit
\n __is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no
\n residency status.<\/p>\n

This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD.<\/p>\n

It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold
\n war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate
\n media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news
\n outlets.<\/p>\n

In this period, the American intelligence services competed with
\n communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With or
\n without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an
\n undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service,
\n rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert
\n operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip
\n Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg,
\n PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner’s
\n wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.<\/p>\n

“By the early 1950s,” writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah
\n Davis in Katharine the Great, “Wisner ‘owned’ respected members of the
\n New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
\n stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA
\n analyst.” The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for
\n German and American corporations who wanted their points of view
\n represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25
\n newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA
\n propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary
\n views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry
\n Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).<\/p>\n

Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been
\n appalled to f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA
\n office memos of their pride in having placed “important assets” inside
\n every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982
\n that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have
\n acted as case officers to agents in the field.<\/p>\n

“World War III has begun,” Henry’s Luce’s Life declared in March,
\n 1947. “It is in the opening skirmish stage already.” The issue
\n featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the
\n creation of an “American Empire,” “world-dominating in political
\n power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including
\n war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people
\n … would hold more than its equal share of power.”<\/p>\n

George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce
\n in 1947, explaining tha__t “although avoiding typical Hitlerian
\n phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world
\n and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of
\n Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably
\n leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the
\n American flag.”<\/p>\n

On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the
\n CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. A
\n firm believer in “all forms of propaganda” to foster loyalty to the
\n Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of
\n his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation’s media, Allen
\n Dulles. Paley’s designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was
\n Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.<\/p>\n

The CIA’s assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the
\n Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an
\n executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower’s Special Assistant for Cold
\n War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit
\n a year later, disgusted at the administration’s political infighting.
\n Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war
\n strategist.<\/p>\n

“Nixon,” writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice
\n Department’s Office of Special Investigations, took “a small boy’s
\n delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft – the hidden
\n microphones, the ‘black’ propaganda.” Nixon especially enjoyed his
\n visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the “special
\n forces” drilling at covert operations.<\/p>\n

One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence
\n underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Bl\u00c3\u00bccher, the son of A
\n German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by
\n the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a
\n civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German Army
\n until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime
\n records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on
\n a movie entitled One Day …, and finished out the war flying with the
\n Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy – his mission was the smuggling
\n of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits were, in part, the
\n subject of Sayer and Botting’s Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover
\n of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.<\/p>\n

In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named
\n Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron,
\n presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from
\n the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe’s Jews?).
\n Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver
\n German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the
\n National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi
\n revival.<\/p>\n

In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color
\n Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing
\n scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a
\n film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he
\n returned to Buenos Aires, then D\u00c3\u00bcsseldorf, West Germany, and
\n established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical
\n warfare agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in D\u00c3\u00bcsseldorf
\n in 1982, von Bl\u00c3\u00bccher boasted to journalists, “I am chief shareholder
\n of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The
\n Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the
\n biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed
\n up by these people over their second bottle of brandy.”<\/p>\n

Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken
\n dreams of world-moving affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg,
\n publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the
\n CIA\/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide. Like most American
\n high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a
\n scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939
\n for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars – the biggest case
\n in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed
\n to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax
\n claims, penalties and interest debts. Moses received a three-year
\n sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.<\/p>\n

Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the
\n campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to
\n woo Reagan’s kitchen cabinet. “This is the topping on the cake,”
\n Bush’s regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush
\n team met at Annenberg’s plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands,
\n California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon’s cabinet was
\n chosen, and the state’s social and contributor registers built over a
\n quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose
\n acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.<\/p>\n

The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan’s
\n recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the
\n intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda
\n and even prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the
\n possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance
\n technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition
\n published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according
\n to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program
\n that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast
\n transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images
\n with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.<\/p>\n

Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his
\n disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe.<\/p>\n

In 1952, at MCA, Actors’ Guild president Ronald Reagan – a screen idol
\n recruited by MOCKINGBIRD’s Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the
\n resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus – signed a
\n secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled
\n studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early television
\n programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore,
\n historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987,
\n reported that Reagan had “fed the names of suspect people in his
\n organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned
\n ‘an informer’s code number, T-10.’ His FBI file indicates intense
\n collaboration with producers to ‘purge’ the industry of subversives.”<\/p>\n

No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former
\n intelligence officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI’s Moscow
\n correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD’s
\n Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.<\/p>\n

Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film
\n simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other
\n organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell
\n Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the
\n corporate front for Lansky’s branch of the federally-sponsored mob
\n family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the
\n investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated
\n $100,000 to Nixon’s 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that
\n Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New
\n jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling
\n license to the company, citing Mafia ties.<\/p>\n

In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the
\n broadcasting company notorious for overt propagandizing and general
\n spookiness. The company’s chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey,
\n who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after
\n he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.<\/p>\n

“Black radio” was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The
\n Invisible Government to describe the agency’s intertwining interests
\n in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who
\n took to the airwaves. “Daily, East and West beam hundreds of
\n propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of
\n competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor
\n has given the hidden war a new importance,” enthused one foreign
\n correspondent.<\/p>\n

A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda
\n push. One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR),
\n received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private
\n foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television
\n series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People
\n and Politics, a “study” of the American political system in 21 weekly
\n installments.<\/p>\n

In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA\/Mafia
\n combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film
\n studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army
\n during the war by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the
\n film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA,
\n played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited
\n Italy’s Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood
\n remodeled his office after the dictator’s. The only honest job
\n Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret
\n investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former
\n producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone’s representative on
\n the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn.
\n Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson,
\n publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.<\/p>\n

In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of
\n the CIA’s covert operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract
\n CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost
\n of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265
\n million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures
\n of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.<\/p>\n

In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with
\n the intelligence services – in fact, 23 employees were full-time
\n employees of the Agency.<\/p>\n

Most consumers of the corporate media were – and are – unaware of the
\n effect that the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A
\n network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of
\n psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from
\n the national security sector’s chamber of horrors. For this reason
\n consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic
\n beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these
\n United States.<\/p>\n

How the Washington Post Censors the News
\n[Note the highlighted paragraph]<\/p>\n

How the Washington Post Censors the News<\/p>\n

A Letter to the Washington Post
\nby Julian C. Holmes
\n_________________________________________________________________<\/p>\n

April 25, 1992
\nRichard Harwood, Ombudsman
\nThe Washington Post
\n1150 15th Street NW
\nWashington, DC 20071<\/p>\n

Dear Mr. Harwood,<\/p>\n

Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit
\nof hard news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government
\n“conspiracy”, and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused
\nfrom apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various
\nother political and social sports events, editors and reporters
\nscramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest
\nsingle threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
\nstability — the dreaded “CONSPIRACY THEORY”!!<\/p>\n

It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted
\nby any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to
\nPost readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs
\nspun by the wacko “CONSPIRACY THEORISTS”.<\/p>\n

Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra.<\/p>\n

Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule
\nthe idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had
\nconspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack
\nAnderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the
\nPost sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring
\nthe Anderson column before printing it (*2).<\/p>\n

But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra
\nconspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for
\nlaw and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S.
\narms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the
\nCIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
\n(*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work
\non our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post
\ncontributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of
\nconspiracy and by publishing false information about the
\ndrug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
\nNarcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman
\nCharles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only
\na partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from
\nRangel (*5).<\/p>\n

Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry’s Subcommittee on Terrorism,
\nNarcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government
\ncomplicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms\/drug
\nconspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and
\nretained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat
\nto domestic tranquility, the “October Surprise” conspiracy (*7). But
\nclose on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and
\nthen Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with
\nthe same title, “October Surprise” (*8). Honegger was a member of the
\nReagan\/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick,
\nprofessor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the
\nstaff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter,
\nand Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published
\ntheir evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to
\nIran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages
\nuntil after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was
\nto quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October
\nsurprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for
\nPresident Carter.<\/p>\n

Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In
\nOctober 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose “An Election Held
\nHostage”; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a
\nconference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former
\nhostages, challenged the Congress to “make a full, impartial
\ninvestigation” of the election\/hostage allegations. The Post reported
\nthe statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
\nwhich was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).
\nOn February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives
\nbegrudgingly authorized an “October Surprise” investigation by a task
\nforce of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired
\nthe House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named
\nas chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI
\nwhen the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).<\/p>\n

Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing
\nthe U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver
\nNorth’s lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he
\nderailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to
\nanswer questions about Contra support activities of government
\nofficials and others (*13). After CIA operative John<\/p>\n

Hull (from Hamilton’s home state). was charged in Costa Rica with
\n“international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation’s
\nsecurity”, Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to
\nintimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling
\nHull’s case “in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican
\nrelations” (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the
\nCosta Rican response that declared Hull’s case to be “in as good hands
\nas our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all
\ncitizens” (*15).<\/p>\n

Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy
\ntheories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves
\ngovernment or corporate conspiracies:<\/p>\n

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery,
\nsurveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass
\nU.S.citizens in the 60’s (*16).<\/p>\n

The CIA’s Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by “destroying
\ncrops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and
\nconspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other
\nleaders” (*17).<\/p>\n

“Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of
\nthe Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben…of
\nGermany. …By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the
\nUnited States was effectively prevented from developing or
\nproducing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of
\nsynthetic rubber,” said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin
\n(*18).<\/p>\n

U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about
\ndosages of radiation “almost certain to produce thyroid
\nabnormalities or cancer” that contaminated people residing near
\nthe nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).<\/p>\n

Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in
\ngetting around to cleaning up the Nation’s dangerous nuclear
\nweapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the
\nnuclear industry’s secret public relations strategy (*21).<\/p>\n

“The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some
\ntwenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused
\nthe public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning
\nthe war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has
\ncontinually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
\nwhich it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat,
\nwhile discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable
\neposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and
\nthe workplace.” (*22).<\/p>\n

The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq
\n“is yet another example of the President’s people conspiring to
\nkeep both Congress and the American people in the dark” (*23).<\/p>\n

If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of
\ndoing business in this country.<\/p>\n

Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf
\nWar by the Pentagon and much of the news media (*24).<\/p>\n

Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend
\n$100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated
\nhistory of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the
\nSmithsonian Institution’s “fusion of the two worlds”, (*26).
\nrather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish
\ninvasion, like “anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death” (*27).<\/p>\n

Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from
\nthe INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer
\nsoftware which “now point to a widespread conspiracy
\nimplicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
\nINSLAW’s technology”, says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
\nRichardson (*28).<\/p>\n

Or Watergate.<\/p>\n

Or the “largest bank fraud in world financial history” (*29), where
\nthe White House knew of the criminal activities at “the Bank of
\nCrooks and Criminals International” (BCCI) (*30), where U.S.
\nintelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where
\nbribery of prominent American public officials “was a way of
\ndoing business” (*32).<\/p>\n

Or the 1949 conviction of “GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of
\nCalifornia, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for
\ncriminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with
\ngas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of
\nbuses and related products to transportation companies
\nthroughout the country” [in, among others, the cities of New
\nYork, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake
\nCity, and Los Angeles] (*33).<\/p>\n

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT).
\nand the U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook safety
\ndefects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by
\nGeneral Motors in the early 60’s (*34).<\/p>\n

Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield
\nintrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings
\nof the Shield’s hazards and which “stonewalled, deceived,
\ncovered up, and<\/p>\n

covered up the coverups…[thus inflicting] on women a
\nworldwide epidemic of pelvic infections.” (*35).<\/p>\n

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and
\nthe FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding
\nthe unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all
\n364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974
\n(*36).<\/p>\n

Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug
\nDiethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers who
\nignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who
\nacted “in concert with each other in the testing and marketing
\nof DES for miscarriage purposes” (*37).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the
\ncooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of
\ntheir savings. This “arrogant disregard from the White House,
\nCongress and corporate world for the interests and rights of
\nthe American people” will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of
\nbillions of dollars (*38).<\/p>\n

Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General
\nElectric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to
\nfix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial
\nequipment (*39).<\/p>\n

Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT).
\nofficers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs
\n(*40).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of
\nmedical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).<\/p>\n

Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies “agreed
\nnot to engage in any effective price competition” (*42).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to
\ncover up the nature of our decades-old war against the people
\nof Nicaragua<\/p>\n

a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government
\napplying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into
\na more repressive force (*43).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in
\nthe Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions,
\nand an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of
\nthe legitimately elected government and the assassination of
\nPresident Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State
\nHenry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance
\nterrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola’s
\nplans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about
\nthese actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA
\nDirector George Bush’s subsequent cover up of this
\nU.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).<\/p>\n

Or President George Bush’s consorting with the Pentagon to invade
\nPanama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the
\nUnited States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the
\nPanama Canal Treaties (*47).<\/p>\n

Or the “gross antitrust violations” (*48) and the conspiracy of
\nAmerican oil companies and the British and U.S. governments to
\nstrangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the
\nBritish-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the
\nsubsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime
\nMinister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).<\/p>\n

Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice
\nLumumba (*50).<\/p>\n

Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush,
\nSenator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S.
\nGovernment agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress
\nto buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the
\npresidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).<\/p>\n

Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to
\nhead the CIA, in the face of “unmistakable evidence that Gates
\nlied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal” (*52).<\/p>\n

Or “How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland’s Solidarity
\nMovement and Hasten the Demise of Communism” (*53).<\/p>\n

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban
\nthe use of USAID funds by any country “for the promotion of
\nbirth control or abortion” (*54).<\/p>\n

Or “the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common
\npurpose in Central America” (*55).<\/p>\n

Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer
\nHector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design “programs to build
\ncivilian-military cooperation” at the U.S. Army School of the
\nAmericas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine
\nsoldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are
\ngraduates of SOA which trains Latin\/American military personnel
\n(*56).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration
\nto harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter
\nwho uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility
\n(*57).<\/p>\n

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of
\nSouth Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the
\n1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).<\/p>\n

Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59).<\/p>\n

Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).<\/p>\n

Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The
\nSatanic Verses in paperback (*61).<\/p>\n

Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post
\noffers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a
\nreally important conspiracy that, let’s say, benefits big business or big
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n

Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA’s 1953 overthrow of
\nthe Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our
\nillegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the
\nCanal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates
\ncorporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the
\ncamouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in
\nthe conspiring officials can erode — depending on how seriously the
\ncitizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
\nErosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to
\nsee as a real threat to its corporate security.<\/p>\n

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on
\nOliver Stone’s movie “JFK”, which reexamines the U.S. Government’s
\nofficial (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
\nalone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story
\nof New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s unsuccessful
\nprosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection
\nwith the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
\nassassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not
\nbe served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us
\nfrom our war against Vietnam.<\/p>\n

The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along
\nlines suggested by “JFK”. Senior Post journalists like Charles
\nKrauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael
\nIsikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public
\nsentiment which has never supported the government’s
\nnon-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that
\nthe Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that “both
\nthe FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission” (*63)
\nand that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on
\nAssassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed “as a
\nresult of a conspiracy” (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
\nstories have been used as vehicles to discredit “JFK” as just another
\nconspiracy (*65).<\/p>\n

Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen
\nRosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George
\nLardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
\nsecond thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that
\nthere is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
\njournalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon\/CIA liaison chief L.
\nFletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have
\neach authored defense of the “JFK” thesis that Kennedy was not
\nenthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just
\ncontinues ranting against the possibility of a high-level
\nassassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
\narguments.<\/p>\n

An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable
\nbehavior is George Lardner Jr’s contribution to the Post’s campaign
\nagainst the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
\nwas completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months
\nbefore the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft
\nof the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the
\nPost the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
\narticle, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile
\nstatements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner
\ndoes not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a
\nU.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
\nwitness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted
\nunder oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television
\nreporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government’s case
\nagainst Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post’s 1973 account of the
\nGarrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently
\nasked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered
\nit (*71).<\/p>\n

Two weeks after his first “JFK” article, Lardner blustered his way
\nthrough a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early
\ndraft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing
\nGervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer “of gothic fiction”.<\/p>\n

When the movie was released in December, Lardner “reviewed” it (*73).
\nHe again ridiculed the film’s thesis that following the Kennedy
\nassassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy’s plans to
\nde-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
\nJohnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was
\nwritten before the assassination, and that it “was a continuation of
\nKennedy’s policy”. In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before
\nthe assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy’s Assistant for National
\nSecurity Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
\nFollowing the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version
\nprovided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) — facts that
\nLardner avoided.<\/p>\n

The Post’s crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:<\/p>\n

The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for
\nthe most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post
\n(*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
\ndiscussion of the Warren Commission’s secret doubts about both the FBI
\nand the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing
\nco-conspirators at field stations to counteract the “new wave of books
\nand articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission’s findings…[and]
\nconspiracy theories …[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our
\norganization” and to “discuss the publicity problem with liaison and
\nfriendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors “and to
\n“employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
\ncritics. …Book reviews and feature articles are particularly
\nappropriate for this purpose. …The aim of this dispatch is to
\nprovide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
\nconspiracy theorists…” (*77).<\/p>\n

In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great,
\nthe story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper’s close ties
\nwith Washington’s powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.<\/p>\n

Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim
\nthat Bradlee had “produced CIA material” (*78). Understandably
\nsensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis’ publisher
\nHarcourt Brace Jovanovich ,”Miss Davis is lying …I never produced
\nCIA material …what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to
\nput your company in that special little group of publishers who don’t
\ngive a shit for the truth”. The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the
\nbook; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
\ncontract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
\npublished her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated
\nBradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war\/CIA
\npropaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his
\nassociation with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently
\ntaken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by
\nDeborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80).<\/p>\n

And it’s not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work.<\/p>\n

Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham “believing that the function of the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice: the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA” (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, “It was widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from” (*82). More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by “refusing to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictment was announced …for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica” (*83).<\/p>\n

Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the
\navailability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA
\nman recalls, “You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
\ngirl, for a couple hundred dollars a month” (*84). One may wish to
\nconsider Philip Graham’s philosophy along with a more recent statement
\nfrom his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the
\nWashington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs.
\nGraham said: “A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
\nterrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. … The
\npoint is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and
\nwe’ve learned better how and where to draw the line, though the
\ndecisions are often difficult” (*85).<\/p>\n

Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified
\nthat our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as
\nconspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
\nassassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in
\nthat, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its
\nbusiness as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs — a conspiracy
\n“to act or work together toward the same result or goal” (*86). But
\nwhere the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it
\npretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government
\nare “coincidence”. Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration
\ninherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver
\nStone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post’s
\nopposition to Stone’s movie is a “conspiracy”. Lardner assures us that
\nStone’s complaints are “groundless and paranoid and smack of
\nMcCarthyism” (*87).<\/p>\n

So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who
\ninvestigate conspiracies?<\/p>\n

The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because
\nthey need something “neat and tidy” (*88) that “plugs a gap no other
\ngenerally accepted theory fills’, (*89. and “coincidence …is always
\nthe safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
\ncircumstances …” (*90).<\/p>\n

And what does this response mean? It means that “coincidence theory”
\nis what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a
\nconspiracy. In other words, some things just “happen”. And, besides,
\nconspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; “coincidence” is a
\nsafer bet.<\/p>\n

Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as
\nExecutive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence
\nTheorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential
\ncandidates “who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy”.
\nOrdinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as “symptoms of
\nthe media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American
\npolitical class” (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers;
\nthey used the “C” word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
\noff-the-cuff comment into an entire column — ending it with:”We are
\nthe new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing
\nwaters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain’t”.<\/p>\n

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran
\nof the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative
\nJournalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote “A
\nReporter Looks Back in Anger — Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
\nCrime”. Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to
\naccept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own
\nexperiences at the Post, where he says he was known as “the biggest
\npain in the ass in the office” (*93).<\/p>\n

Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors
\nis a matter of random coincidence?<\/p>\n

And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by
\neditors without influence from fellow editors or from management?
\nWould Harwood have us believe that at the countless office “meetings”
\nin which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of
\nwhich stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That
\nthere is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no
\ncooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
\nnews-media “grayout” of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a
\nPost journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran
\nequal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let’s face it:
\nthese possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining
\nguests at a soup kitchen.<\/p>\n

Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post
\nOmbudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account
\nof wire-service control over news: “The largely anonymous men who
\ncontrol the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
\nphoto machines determine at a single decision what millions will see
\nand hear. …there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
\npreside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
\nagentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches
\nuntouched out the front door as ‘news'” (*95).<\/p>\n

When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge
\nClarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself
\nfrom a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
\njudgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
\nanimal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas’ mentor, Senator
\nJohn Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance
\nto 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would
\nHarwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
\nmatter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
\ncoincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston
\nPurina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?<\/p>\n

Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader’s
\nPublic Citizen. Titled All the Vice President’s Men, it documents “How
\nthe Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
\nSafety, and Environmental Programs”. Three months later, Post
\njournalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published “The President’s
\nUnderstudy”, a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although
\nthis series does address Quayle’s role with the Competitiveness
\nCouncil, its handling of the Council’s disastrous impact on America is
\ninadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle
\nmemorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political
\naspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government
\nassociates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth — revealing
\nlittle about Quayle’s abilities, his understanding of society’s
\nproblems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never
\nmentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle’s record in the
\nBush Administration (*98).<\/p>\n

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did
\nboth of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to
\nmention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever
\ndiscuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to
\npublish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their
\nreputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
\nspace for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were
\ndedicated to this twaddle without people “acting or working together
\ntoward the same result or goal”? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?<\/p>\n

On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New
\nYork Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:<\/p>\n

TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON’S PATH<\/p>\n

TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN
\nWITH BUSH<\/p>\n

TSONGAS CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON<\/p>\n

TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON<\/p>\n

This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions
\nof whether the news media collective mindset is really different from
\nthat of any other cartel — like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or
\nmanufacturing cartels, a cartel being “a combination of independent
\ncommercial enterprises designed to limit competition” (*101).<\/p>\n

The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading:<\/p>\n

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER<\/p>\n

Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post
\n“conspire” to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far
\nfrom the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the
\nquestion is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post’s telephone
\nconversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite
\nmust monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes
\na new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are “safe”,
\nand that experienced reporters don’t have to ask.<\/p>\n

What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post
\ncommunicates within its own corporate structure and with other members
\nof the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in
\npublic, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.<\/p>\n

Sincerely,<\/p>\n

Julian C. Holmes<\/p>\n

Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news
\nmedia, And – maybe a few others.<\/p>\n

Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:<\/p>\n

1. Mark Hosenball, “The Ultimate Conspiracy”, Washington Post,
\nSeptember 11, 1988, p.C1<\/p>\n

2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard
\nHarwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the
\nAnderson\/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to
\nRobert Gates.<\/p>\n

2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “Iran-Contra Figure Dodges
\nExtradition”, Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May
\n26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..<\/p>\n

2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, “The Man Washington Doesn’t Want
\nto Extradite”, Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note
\n2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..<\/p>\n

3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy,
\netc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony
\nAvirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.<\/p>\n

3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, “Reports: Contras Send Drugs
\nto U.S.”, Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.<\/p>\n

3c. Neal Matthews, “I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam” (based on interviews
\nwith Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April
\n5, 1990.<\/p>\n

4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press,
\n1987.<\/p>\n

5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics,
\nUniversity ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.<\/p>\n

5b. David S. Hilzenrath, “Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras
\nto Drug Smuggling”, Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.<\/p>\n

5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington
\nPost, July 24,1987, p.A3.<\/p>\n

5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman
\nRangel’s Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the
\nCongressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.<\/p>\n

6a. Michael Kranish, “Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug
\nTrail”, Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.<\/p>\n

6b. Mary McGrory, “The Contra-Drug Stink”, Washington Post, April 10,
\n1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, “Guns for Drugs?
\nSenate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush’s
\nOffice”, Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.<\/p>\n

6d. Dennis Bernstein, “Iran-Contra — The Coverup Continues”, The
\nProgressive, November 1988, p.24.<\/p>\n

6e. “Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy”, A Report Prepared by
\nthe Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations
\nof the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
\n1988.<\/p>\n

7a. Mark Hosenball, “If It’s October … Then It’s Time for an Iranian
\nConspiracy Theory”, Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.<\/p>\n

7b. Mark Hosenball, “October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of
\nthe 1980 ‘Hostage- Deal’ Story Is Still Full of Holes”, Washington
\nPost, April 21, 1991,p.B2.<\/p>\n

8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989.<\/p>\n

8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House,
\n1991.<\/p>\n

9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, “An Election Held Hostage”,
\nPlayboy, October 1988, p.73.<\/p>\n

9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, “The Election Held Hostage”,
\nFRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.<\/p>\n

10a. Reuter, “Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress”, Washington Post,
\nJune 14,1991,p.A4.<\/p>\n

10b. “An Election Held Hostage?”, Conference, Dirksen Senate Office
\nBuilding Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The
\nFund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY,
\n10016.<\/p>\n

11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, “House Approves Inquiry Into
\n‘OctoberSurprise'”, Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.<\/p>\n

11b. Jack Colhoun, “Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise”, The
\nGuardian, December 11, 1991, p.7.<\/p>\n

11c. Jack Colhoun, “October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer”, The
\nGuardian, February 26, 1992, p.3.<\/p>\n

12. See note 5a, p.180-1.<\/p>\n

13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.<\/p>\n

13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the
\nIran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No.
\n100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.<\/p>\n

14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the
\nRepublic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David
\nDreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim
\nBunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates,
\nDouglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike
\nSkelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob
\nMcEwen; January 26, 1989.<\/p>\n

14b. Peter Brennan, “Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in
\nU.S. — Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in
\nNicaragua”, WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.<\/p>\n

14c. “Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer”, Scripps-Howard
\nNews Service,April 25, 1991.<\/p>\n

15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the
\nCase of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull”, February
\n6, 1989.<\/p>\n

16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989.<\/p>\n

17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard– The U.S. Role in the New
\nWorld Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121.<\/p>\n

18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate,
\n77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin,
\nThe Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press,
\nMacmillan, 1978, p.93.<\/p>\n

19. R. Jeffrey Smith, “Study of A-Plant Neighbors’ Health Urged”,
\nWashington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6.<\/p>\n

20. Tom Horton, “A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend — Price Tag
\nMounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites”, Baltimore Sun, February 23,
\n1992, p.1K.<\/p>\n

21. “The Nuclear Industry’s Secret PR Strategy”, EXTRA!, March 1992,
\np.15.<\/p>\n

22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need
\nfor PublicPolicy Reform”, Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,
\np.E947-9.<\/p>\n

22b. Samuel S. Epstein, “The Cancer Establishment”, Washington Post,
\nMarch 10, 1992.<\/p>\n

23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, “Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the
\nBNL Scandal”, Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.<\/p>\n

23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War
\nIraq Policy”, Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.<\/p>\n

23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal
\nAdviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, “Meeting on
\ncongressional requests for information and documents”, April 8, 1991;
\nCongressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.<\/p>\n

24a. Michio Kaku, “Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses”, The<\/p>\n

Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4.<\/p>\n

24b. J. Max Robins, “NBC’s Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White
\nCase”, Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.<\/p>\n

25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991
\nLetter to”Friends”, p.1.<\/p>\n

26. Jean Dimeo, “Selling Hispanics on Columbus — Luis Vasquez-Ajmac
\nIs Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project”, Washington Post, November
\n18, 1991, p.Bus.8.<\/p>\n

27. Hans Koning, “Teach the Truth About Columbus”, Washington Post,
\nSeptember 3,1991, p.A19.<\/p>\n

28a. James Kilpatrick, “Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench”, St.
\nLouis Post\/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, “A
\nHigh-Tech Watergate”, New York Times, October 21,1991.<\/p>\n

29. “BCCI — NBC Sunday Today”, February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript
\nprepared by Burrelle’s Information Services. The quote is from New
\nYork District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own
\nindependent investigation of BCCI.<\/p>\n

30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;
\nfrom an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.<\/p>\n

31. Jack Colhoun, “BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush’s Closet”, The
\nGuardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.<\/p>\n

32. Robert Morgenthau. See note 29, p.10.<\/p>\n

33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco:
\nSierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.<\/p>\n

34. See note 33, p.136-7.<\/p>\n

35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon
\nShield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33,
\np.157.<\/p>\n

36. See note 33, p.164-171.<\/p>\n

37. See note 33, p.172-180.<\/p>\n

38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House,
\n1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader’s Introduction, p.iii.<\/p>\n

39. See note 33, p.217.<\/p>\n

40. See note 33, p.235.<\/p>\n

41. See note 33, p.277-288.<\/p>\n

42. See note 33, p.323.<\/p>\n

43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund
\nNewsletter, March1992, p.1.<\/p>\n

44. William Blum, The CIA — A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books
\nLtd., 1986,p.232-243.<\/p>\n

45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978.<\/p>\n

45b. See note 44, p.284-291.<\/p>\n

46. See note 17, p.18.<\/p>\n

47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for
\nPanama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The
\nNation, February 5, 1990, p.163.<\/p>\n

47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992,
\np.145-7.<\/p>\n

48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam
\nBooks, 1977,p.521.<\/p>\n

48b. “The International Oil Cartel”, Federal Trade Commission,
\nDecember 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.<\/p>\n

49a. See note 44, p.67-76.<\/p>\n

49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.<\/p>\n

50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
\nPublications, 1983,p.60.<\/p>\n

51. HR-3385, “An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
\nin Nicaragua”. Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4,
\n1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of
\n64 to 35.<\/p>\n

52. Jack Colhoun, “Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post”, The
\nGuardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.<\/p>\n

53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35.<\/p>\n

54. “The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control”, Time, February 24,
\n1992, p.35.<\/p>\n

55. “Time’s Missing Link: Poland to Latin America”, National Catholic
\nReporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.<\/p>\n

56a. Jim Lynn, “School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission”,
\nBenning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12.<\/p>\n

56b. Vicky Imerman, “U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans
\nExpansion”, News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus,
\nGeorgia 31903.<\/p>\n

57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992.<\/p>\n

58. Jack Colhoun, “Tricky Dick’s Quick Election Fix”, The Guardian,
\nJanuary 29,1992, p.18.<\/p>\n

59a. Sean P. Murphy, “Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against
\nPolice”, Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.<\/p>\n

59b. Christopher B. Daly, “Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston
\nCase”, Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.<\/p>\n

59c. Associated Press, “Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest
\nVideo”, WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.<\/p>\n

59d. Gabriel Escobar, “Deaf Man’s Death In Police Scuffle Called
\nHomicide”, Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1.<\/p>\n

59e. Jay Mathews, “L.A. Police Laughed at Beating”, Washington Post,
\nMarch 19, 1991, p.A1.<\/p>\n

59f. David Maraniss, “One Cop’s View of Police Violence”, Washington
\nPost, April 12,1991, p.A1.<\/p>\n

59g. From News Services, “Police Abuse Detailed”, Washington Post,
\nFebruary 8, 1992,p.A8.<\/p>\n

60. Michael Dobbs, “Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got
\nMillions”, Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.<\/p>\n

61. David Streitfeld, “Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In
\nPaperback”, Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.<\/p>\n

62a. See notes 48 and 49.<\/p>\n

62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.<\/p>\n

62c. “Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987”, U.S. Senate Bill S742.<\/p>\n

62d. “Now Let That ‘Fairness’ Bill Die”, Editorial, Washington Post,<\/p>\n

June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.<\/p>\n

63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America — The Mafia Murder of
\nPresident John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988,
\np.viii.<\/p>\n

64. See note 63, p.28.<\/p>\n

65a. Chuck Conconi, “Out and About”, Washington Post, February 26,
\n1991, p.B3.<\/p>\n

65b. George Lardner Jr., “On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland”,
\nWashington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.<\/p>\n

65c. George Lardner, “…Or Just a Sloppy Mess”, Washington Post, June
\n2, 1991,p.D3.<\/p>\n

65d. Charles Krauthammer, “A Rash of Conspiracy Theories — When Do We
\nDig Up BillCasey?”, Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.<\/p>\n

65e. Eric Brace, “Personalities”, Washington Post, October 31, 1991,
\np.C3.<\/p>\n

65f. Associated Press, “‘JFK’ Director Condemned — Warren Commission
\nAttorney Calls Stone Film ‘A Big Lie'”, Washington Post, December 16,
\n1991, p.D14.<\/p>\n

65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, “Kennedy Assassination: How
\nAbout the Truth?”, Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.<\/p>\n

65h. Rita Kemply, “‘JFK’: History Through A Prism”, Washington Post,
\nDecember 20,1991, p.D1.<\/p>\n

65i. George Lardner Jr., “The Way it Wasn’t — In ‘JFK’, Stone
\nAssassinates the Truth”, Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.<\/p>\n

65j. Desson Howe, “Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?”, Washington Post,
\nDecember 20,1991, p.55.<\/p>\n

65k. Phil McCombs, “Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire — In Defending
\nHis ‘JFK’ Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and
\nReasoning”, Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.<\/p>\n

65l. George F. Will, “‘JFK’: Paranoid History”, Washington Post,
\nDecember 26, 1991,p.A23.<\/p>\n

65m. “On Screen”, ‘JFK’ movie review, Washington Post, Weekend,
\nDecember 27, 1991.<\/p>\n

65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, “Shadow Play”, Washington Post, December
\n27, 1991, p.A21.<\/p>\n

65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “The Paranoid Style”, Washington Post,
\nDecember 29,1991, p.C7.<\/p>\n

65p. Michael Isikoff, “H-e-e-e-e-r-e’s Conspiracy! — Why Did Oliver
\nStone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?”, Washington
\nPost, December 29, 1991,p.C2.<\/p>\n

65q. Robert O’Harrow Jr., “Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts —
\nMoviegoers Say ‘JFK’ Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone”,
\nWashington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.<\/p>\n

65r. Michael R. Beschloss, “Assassination and Obsession”, Washington
\nPost, January 5, 1992, p.C1.<\/p>\n

65s. Charles Krauthammer, “‘JFK’: A Lie, But Harmless”, Washington
\nPost, January 10,1992, p.A19.<\/p>\n

65t. Art Buchwald, “Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy”, Washington Post,
\nJanuary 14, 1992,p.E1.<\/p>\n

65u. Ken Ringle, “The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories — Good on Film,
\nBut the Motivation Is All Wrong”, Washington Post, January 19, 1992,
\np.G1.<\/p>\n

65v. Charles Paul Freund, “If History Is a Lie — America’s Resort to
\nConspiracy Thinking”, Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.<\/p>\n

65w. Richard Cohen, “Oliver’s Twist”, Washington Post Magazine,
\nJanuary 19, 1992, p.5.<\/p>\n

65. Michael Isikoff, “Seeking JFK’s Missing Brain”, Washington Post,
\nJanuary 21,1992, p.A17.<\/p>\n

65y. Don Oldenburg, “The Plots Thicken — Conspiracy Theorists Are
\nEverywhere”, Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.<\/p>\n

65z. Joel Achenbach, “JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts”, Washington
\nPost, February 28, 1992, p.C5.<\/p>\n

65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the
\nAssassins is characterized as “conspiracy plot theories”, Washington
\nPost, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12<\/p>\n

66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i.<\/p>\n

67a. Peter Dale Scott, “Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon
\nPapers”. Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon
\nPapers, Volume V,p.211-247.<\/p>\n

67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy — The Secret Road to the
\nSecond Indochina War, Indianapolis\/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p.
\n215-224.<\/p>\n

67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New
\nprinting, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990,
\np.402-416.<\/p>\n

67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.<\/p>\n

67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992.<\/p>\n

67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9,
\n1992, p.290.<\/p>\n

68a. See note 65b.<\/p>\n

68b. Oliver Stone, “The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the
\nJFK Assassination”, Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.<\/p>\n

69. See note 65b.<\/p>\n

70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner
\nBooks, 1988, 315\/318.<\/p>\n

71. Associated Press, “Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery
\nCharge”, Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.<\/p>\n

72. See note 65c.<\/p>\n

73. See note 65i.<\/p>\n

74. See note 67e, p.438-450.<\/p>\n

75. John G. Leyden, “Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots”, Washington
\nPost, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.<\/p>\n

76a. Tad Szulc, “New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe”,
\nWashington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.<\/p>\n

76b. Tad Szulc, “Warren Commission’s Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day —
\n‘This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused'”, Washington Star, September<\/p>\n

20, 1975, p.A1.<\/p>\n

76c. Tad Szulc, “Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission —
\nDulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed”, Washington Star,
\nSeptember 21, 1975,p.A1.<\/p>\n

77. “Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report”, New York
\nTimes, December 26, 1977, p.A37.<\/p>\n

78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace
\nJovanovich, 1979,p.141-2.<\/p>\n

79a. Eve Pell, “Private Censorship — Killing ‘Katharine The Great'”,
\nThe Nation, November 12, 1983.<\/p>\n

79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press,
\n1987. Davis says, “…corporate documents that became available during
\nmy subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman,
\nWilliam Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great]
\nhad been “processed and converted into waste paper””.<\/p>\n

79c. Daniel Brandt, “All the Publisher’s Men — A Suppressed Book
\nAbout Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again”
\nNational Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.<\/p>\n

79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square
\nPress, 1991. “…publishers who don’t give a shit”, p.iv-v; bullying
\nHBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..<\/p>\n

80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See
\nnote 79d, p.304.<\/p>\n

81. See note 79d, p.119-132.<\/p>\n

82. Carl Bernstein, “The CIA and the Media — How America’s Most
\nPowerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence
\nAgency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up”, Rolling Stone,
\nOctober 20, 1977, p.63.<\/p>\n

83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington
\nPost, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post’s rationale for
\nits policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this
\npolicy is still in effect.<\/p>\n

83b. Daniel Brandt, “Little Magazines May Come and Go”, The National
\nReporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post’s protection of the identity
\nof CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, “America needs to
\nconfront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of
\nits citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime
\ncovert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of
\nAmericans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike
\nforces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists.”<\/p>\n

83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988.
\nHarwood’s two- sentence letter reads, “We have a long-standing policy
\nof not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual
\ncircumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez.”<\/p>\n

84. See note 79d, p.131.<\/p>\n

85. Katharine Graham, “Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist
\nActs”, Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.<\/p>\n

86. “conspire”, \u00c3\u01784\u00c3\u0178Random House Dictionary of the English Language,
\nSecond Edition Unabridged, 1987.<\/p>\n

87. Howard Kurtz, “Media Notes”, Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1.<\/p>\n

88. See note 65y.<\/p>\n

89. See note 65n.<\/p>\n

90. See note 65d.<\/p>\n

91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992.<\/p>\n

Richard Harwood, “What Conspiracy?”, Washington Post, March 1, 1992,
\np.C6.<\/p>\n

93. p. 29-32.<\/p>\n

94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services
\nInc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared
\nin 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials;
\n“Jerry” Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In
\nthose 28, Agran’s name appeared 76 times, Clinton’s 151, and Brown
\n105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran’s name appear in a headline.<\/p>\n

94b. Colman McCarthy, “What’s ‘Minor’ About This Candidate?”,
\nWashington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy
\ntells how television and party officials have kept presidential
\ncandidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post’s own daily news-blackout
\nof Agran is not discussed.<\/p>\n

94c. Scot Lehigh, “Larry Agran: ‘Winner’ in Debate With Little Chance
\nFor the Big Prize”, Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.<\/p>\n

94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, “The Press Rejects a Candidate”, Columbia
\nJournalism Review,March\/April, 1992.<\/p>\n

95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The
\nPress, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.<\/p>\n

96a. 28 USC Section 455. “Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the
\nUnited States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his
\nimpartiality might reasonably be questioned.” [emphasis added]<\/p>\n

96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC
\n1990)..<\/p>\n

96c. Monroe Freedman, “Thomas’ Ethics and the Court — Nominee ‘Unfit
\nto Sit’ For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case”, Legal Times,
\nAugust 26, 1991.<\/p>\n

96d. Paul D. Wilcher, “Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge
\nClarence Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the
\ngrounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT”, Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R.
\nBiden, October 15, 1991.<\/p>\n

97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, “‘A Distressing Turn’, Activists<\/p>\n

Decry What Process Has Become”, Washington Post, October 12, 1991,
\np.A1.<\/p>\n

98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.<\/p>\n

99. See note 86.<\/p>\n

100. Thomas W. Lippman, “Energy Lobby Fights Unseen ‘Killers'”,
\nWashington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that
\n“representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National
\nAssociation of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore
\ndrilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
\npledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
\ndrilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be
\noffered by key House members”.<\/p>\n

101. “cartel”, Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, 1977.<\/p>\n

——————————————————————————–<\/p>\n

NOTES
\nA good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham’s attempt to suppress the Davis book,”Katherine The Great,”, which was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal’s, “Power and Privilege at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story.”<\/p>\n

For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg, an excellent source is “All American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story,” by Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.<\/p>\n

An additional good short reference is “The CIA’s Greatest Hits” by Mark Zepezauer. There you will find the reference to Carl Bernstein’s classic “The CIA and the Media” which appeared in Rolling Stone on Oct. 20, 1977.<\/p>\n

Still another recent example of the CIA’s control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton’s & Roger Morris’ story,”THE CRIMES OF MENA” by Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even though the story had been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the story, which details the CIA’s involvement in drug trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was killed withouty explanation.<\/p>\n

An example of media lies can be found in this example of a faked newspaper photograph.<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

WRH\u00a0 “You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month.” – CIA operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. “Katherine The Great,” by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,7],"tags":[32],"class_list":{"0":"post-2452","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-general","7":"category-media-news","8":"tag-cia"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2452","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2452"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2452\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2452"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2452"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/rinf.com\/alt-news\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2452"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}