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أسلحة يعطى إلى العراق مفقودة

يوم الثلاثاء, أغسطس - آب [7ث], 2007
خلقت ك خاصّة حقيقة?

أسرار [سوبليمينل] يعرض

أبدا [ليد] إلى ثانية!

ماذا أنت يكون لا تفترض أن يعرف

[غو] تقديرات 30% من [أرمس] [أونكّوونتد-فور]

? ب [غلنّ] كسلر

البانتاغون قد خسر أثر من حوالي 190,000 [أك-47] يخشى بندقية الهجوم ومسدسات يعطى إلى عراقيّة أمن قوات في 2004 و2005, وفقا ل جديدة حكومة تقرير, يرفع أنّ بعض من أنّ أسلحة قد سقط داخل الأيادي المتمردات يتنازع الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة قوات داخل العراق.

المؤلفة من التقرير من ال حكومة مسؤولية مكتب يقول الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة عسكريّة لا يعرف مسؤولات ماذا حدث إلى 30 نسبة مئويّة من الأسلحة الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة يوزّع إلى قوات عراقيّة من 2004 من خلال باكرا هذا سنة كجزء جهد أن يدرّب ويجهّز القوات. كان التقدير [هيغست] سابقة من أسلحة [أونكّوونتد-فور] 14,000, في تقرير يصدر [لست ر] بالمفتشة جنرال للعراق إعادة إنشاء.

قد أنفق الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة $19.2 بليون يحاول أن يطوّر عراقيّة أمن قوات منذ 2003, ال [غو] يقال, يتضمّن على الأقلّ $2.8 بليون أن يشتري وسلّمت تجهيز. غير أنّ ال [غو] يقال أسلحة كان توزيع اتّفاقيّة ويستعجل و [فيلد] أن يتبع أسّس إجراءات, بشكل خاصّ [فروم] 2004 [تو] 2005, عندما أمن تدريب كان قدت جانبا [جن.]. دايفيد [ه.]. [بتريوس], الذي الآن يأمر كلّ الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة قوات في العراق.

لم يتنازع البانتاغون ال [غو] نتيجة بحث, [سينغ] هو قد أطلق ه خاصّة تحقيق ويشير هو يعمل أن يحسن يتعقّب. رغم أنّ تحكمات يتلقّى يكون توتّرت منذ 2005, يجعل العجز من الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة أن يتعقّب أسلحة مع أدوات مثل [سريل نومبر] هو تقريبا مستحيلة لالولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة جيش أن يعرف ما إذا يعارك هو عدوة يجهّز بدافع ضريبة أمريكيّة.

"يتلقّى هم حقّا ما من فكرة حيث هم يكونون," قال [رشل] [ستوهل], محللة كبريات في المركز لدفاع معلومة الذي قد درس [سملّ-رمس] تجارة ويستلم بانتاغون شرح مهمّة على الإصدار. "هو [منس] مرجّحة أنّ يزوّد الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة عرضا أسلحة إلى ممثلات سيّئة."

واحدة كبريات بانتاغون اعترف مسؤولة أنّ بعض من الأسلحة على الأرجح يكون استعملت ضدّ الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة قوات. هو ذكر اللواء عراقيّة يخلق في [فلّوجه] ذوّب أنّ سريعا في سبتمبر - أيلول 2004 والتفت أسلحته ضدّ الأمريكيات.

Stohl said insurgents frequently use small-arms fire to force military convoys to move in a particular direction — often toward roadside bombs. She noted that the Bush administration frequently complains that Iran and Syria are supplying insurgents but has paid little attention to whether U.S. military errors inadvertently play a role. “We know there is seepage and very little is being done to address the problem,” she said.

Stohl noted that U.S. forces, focused on a fruitless search for weapons of mass destruction after Baghdad fell, did not secure massive weapons caches. The failure to track small arms given to Iraqi forces repeats that pattern of neglect, she added.

The GAO is studying the financing and weapons sources of insurgent groups, but that report will not be made public. “All of that information is classified,” said Joseph A. Christoff, the GAO’s director of international affairs and trade.

In an unusual move, the train-and-equip program for Iraqi forces is being managed by the Pentagon. Normally, the traditional security assistance programs are operated by the State Department, the GAO reported. The Defense Department said this change permitted greater flexibility, but as of last month it was unable to tell the GAO what accountability procedures, if any, apply to arms distributed to Iraqi forces, the report said.

Iraqi security forces were virtually nonexistent in early 2004, and in June of that year Petraeus was brought in to build them up. No central record of distributed equipment was kept for a year and a half, until December 2005, and even now the records are on a spreadsheet that requires three computer screens lined up side by side to view a single row, Christoff said.

The GAO found that the military was consistently unable to collect supporting documents to “confirm when the equipment was received, the quantities of equipment delivered, and the Iraqi units receiving the equipment.” The agency also said there were “numerous mistakes due to incorrect manual entries” in the records that were maintained.

The GAO reached the estimate of 190,000 missing arms — 110,000 AK-47s and 80,000 pistols — by comparing the property records of the Multi-National Security Transition Command for Iraq against records Petraeus maintained of the arms and equipment he had ordered. Petraeus’s figures were compared with classified data and other records to ensure that they were accurate enough to compare against the property books.

In all cases, the gaps between the two records were enormous. Petraeus reported that about 185,000 AK-47 rifles, 170,000 pistols, 215,000 pieces of body armor and 140,000 helmets were issued to Iraqi security forces from June 2004 through September 2005. But the property books contained records for 75,000 AK-47 rifles, 90,000 pistols, 80,000 pieces of body armor and 25,000 helmets.

A military commander involved in the program at the time, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the report, acknowledged in an e-mail, “We did issue some items, including weapons, body armor, etc. to new Iraqi units that were literally going into battle.”

But, the commander argued, “there was, frankly, not much of a choice early on: We had very little staff and could have held the weapons until every piece of the logistical and property accountability system was in place, or we could issue them, in bulk on some occasions, to the U.S. elements supporting Iraqi units who were needed in the battles of Najaf, Fallujah, Mosul, Samarra, etc.”

The GAO plans to look for similar problems in the training of Afghan security forces.

During the Bosnian conflict, the United States provided about $100 million in defense equipment to the Bosnian Federation Army, and the GAO found no problems in accounting for those weapons.

Much of the equipment provided to Iraqi troops, including the AK-47s, originates from countries in the former Soviet bloc. In a report last year, Amnesty International said that in 2004 and 2005 more than 350,000 AK-47 rifles and similar weapons were taken out of Bosnia and Serbia, for use in Iraq, by private contractors working for the Pentagon and with the approval of NATO and European security forces in Bosnia.


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