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由我們訓練的人權濫用者

星期二, 2009年4月21日

barack在Guant扭轉了一些布什政府的最震驚的政策違犯人權和國際法,例如拘留中心的宣佈的關閉的Obama總統?namo。 但情况仍未明在何種程度上他將帶領軍事往尊重人權,和改變美國司令員和美國的協會不受懲罰。 軍事盟友習慣。

上個月,戰鬥司令員來在國會面前做他們的事件為資助。 南部的命令首要海軍上將詹姆斯・ Stavridis沒有猶豫說怎麼重要資金是為軍事訓練,美洲的特別是前學校(現在稱西半球學院為安全合作)。 「在我們的軍方官員之中被開發的同志愛在這些機關」, Stavridis認為, 「并且學校』對民主價值的強的重點和尊重人權對創造軍事設施至關重要有能力在有效的聯合作戰上」。

但什麼證據是那裡具體軍隊在接受美國的其他149個國家。 訓練和其他協助在接受訓練以後更實際上尊敬人權? 立法以「Leahy法律著名」自1997年以來禁止了美國。 協助對犯下了總踐踏人權的外國軍隊。 但焦點在犯下的惡習,在給之前協助。 在它給了之後,美國不舉辦它的軍事協助的人權衝擊的任何協會評估。

是它學生或者訓練
信念部下的文章為評估其他國家』人權紀錄看他們是否是值得的美國。 軍事協助,是這樣協助意志「professionalize」其他軍隊,在最壞情況下或者為它的對尊重人權的衝擊是中立的。

實際上,有時對面是真實的。 美洲畢業生學校的研究在2005發現採取超過一條路線的戰士在學校比採取一條路線的那些人是多次可能涉嫌犯下了惡習。 一項2006研究由RAND Corporation發現了美國。 軍事訓練支持在巴基斯坦和烏茲別克斯坦繼續做總侵害的力量。 相似的要求能提出關於協助被給伊拉克和以色列,考慮二個明顯的例子。 在哥倫比亞,和解和關於接受美國的軍隊單位的國際特赦組織被回顧的數據同伴關係。 協助-特別是訓練。 We found that nearly half (47%) of civilian killings reportedly committed by the army in 2007 were committed by units that had been reviewed and received U.S. assistance in 2006 and 2007. Many more were committed by units from which individual officers were drawn and received leadership and other training at U.S. military schools.

Periodic evaluation is a basic prerequisite for any government program, but especially one that imparts lethal skills and equipment. As Congress’ comptroller, the General Accountability Office should study whether assistance is fulfilling U.S. human rights policy objectives. Instead its reports focus on limited questions of efficiency in the use of funds. A GAO evaluation of Plan Colombia last year, for example, that was two years in the making, didn’t once address the impacts on respect for human rights - for good or bad - of the $5 billion in U.S. military aid to Colombia since 2000.

In Colombia, progress on human rights is measured by macro-factors, such as overall levels of political violence, instead of by violations by the institutions that were directly assisted by the United States or by the extent that those violations were prosecuted in civilian courts. The result is that, while political violence has diminished as a result of dominion by the State and - in many areas - the mafia, over insurgent groups, killings of civilians by the Army trained and equipped by the United States has risen dramatically, 72% since 2002.

The Colombian military’s long history of gross human rights abuses should have suggested long ago that the departments of State and Defense evaluate their military training for human rights. But although international military training aims to “emphasize an understanding of internationally recognized human rights,” the military doesn’t evaluate human rights performance, either. The U.S. Southern Command, for example, typically measures success of training by promotions of officers receiving assistance, by the officers’ positive image of the United States, and whether they rise to positions of prominence such as defense attach?, or even the presidency.

Addressing the Problem
Today, a reform process of the Foreign Assistance Act undertaken by the House Foreign Affairs Committee offers an unprecedented opportunity to require periodic and comprehensive evaluation of the human rights impacts of U.S. military assistance. As part of such evaluation, the government should establish an independent commission to investigate the past activities of U.S. military schools, and make recommendations to establish safeguards to prevent violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The commission should include representatives of relevant government agencies, as well as human rights organizations and academics. Most importantly, such a commission should be given access to detailed data on who has received U.S. assistance and on human rights violations over long periods.

Periodic evaluation of the human rights performance of military training beneficiaries could draw on information already gathered by U.S. embassies from local courts, human rights NGOs, intelligence and enforcement agencies, and media reports. Basic criteria for evaluation should include whether there are credible reports of beneficiaries or troops under their command committing gross human rights abuses, and whether civilian courts are successfully trying those crimes. This evaluation should be transparent and made available to the public, and it should apply to assistance given through the Defense Department and other agencies, as well as the State Department.

Policymakers aren’t given to asking “why” questions. In the case of the human rights performance of client armies viewed as strategic allies, however, we should all be asking: If the United States is excluding abusive units from assistance, and training the rest in human rights, why so many of these armies continue abuse and kill their civilian compatriots? In the meantime, where the results of U.S. assistance are executions, torture, forced displacement, and other violations, the Obama administration should terminate military aid and cooperation.

? 2009 Foreign Policy In Focus


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