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Среда 21-ое апрель 2009

Президент Barack Obama обращал несколько из политик администрации кустика egregious нарушая права человека и международное право, such as объявленное закрытие места заключения в Guantánamo. Но оно остают, что увидено to what extent он ведет воискаа к уважению для прав человека, и изменяет учрежденческую ненаказуемость к которой американские командиры и США. воинские союзники были accustomed.

Последний месяц, строевые командиры пришли перед съездом сделать их фондировать аргументы за. Admiral Джеймс Stavridis южной команды главный не смутился сказать как критически фонды для воинской тренировки, специально бывшяя школа теперь вызванных Америк (западным институтом полусферы для сотрудничества обеспеченностью). «Дух товарищества начатый среди наших офицеров воиска на этих заведениях,» Stavridis сказал, «и школы' сильное внимание на демократических значениях и уважение для прав человека критически к создавать системы военных ведомств способные эффективных совмещенных деятельностей.»

Но что доказательство там что специфически боевые части в 149 других нациях получая США. тренируя и другая помощь фактическ уважает права человека больше после получать тренировку? Законодательство известное как «закон Leahy» с 1997 запрещало США. помощь к чужим боевым частям поручали большие права человека злоупотребляет. Но фокус находится на порученных злоупотреблениях прежде чем помощь дается. Соединенные Штаты не дирижируют NIKAKую учрежденческую оценку ударов прав человека своей воинской помощи после того как они давали.

Оно студенты, или тренировка
Основная статья веры для оценивать показатели прав человека другие нации' для того чтобы увидеть если они достойны США. воинская помощь, что такая воля помощи «professionalize» другие армии, или на самом плохом нейтральна для своего удара на уважении для прав человека.

В действительности, иногда противоположность поистине. Изучение школы студент-выпускников Америк в 2005 нашло что воины принимая больше чем один курс на школу были несколькими времен более правоподобны allegedly для того чтобы поручить злоупотребления чем те приняли как раз один курс. Изучение 2006 корпорация РЭНД нашло те США. воинская тренировка поддержала усилия продолжались поручить большие нарушения в Пакистане и Uzbekistan. Подобные заявки были в состоянии быть сделаны о помощи, котор дали к Ираку и Израилю, для рассмотрения 2 очевидных примеров. В Колумбии, Fellowship данных по примиренности и амнистии международных расмотренных на блоках армии получая США. помощь - специально тренирующ. We found that nearly half (47%) of civilian killings reportedly committed by the army in 2007 were committed by units that had been reviewed and received U.S. assistance in 2006 and 2007. Many more were committed by units from which individual officers were drawn and received leadership and other training at U.S. military schools.

Periodic evaluation is a basic prerequisite for any government program, but especially one that imparts lethal skills and equipment. As Congress’ comptroller, the General Accountability Office should study whether assistance is fulfilling U.S. human rights policy objectives. Instead its reports focus on limited questions of efficiency in the use of funds. A GAO evaluation of Plan Colombia last year, for example, that was two years in the making, didn’t once address the impacts on respect for human rights - for good or bad - of the $5 billion in U.S. military aid to Colombia since 2000.

In Colombia, progress on human rights is measured by macro-factors, such as overall levels of political violence, instead of by violations by the institutions that were directly assisted by the United States or by the extent that those violations were prosecuted in civilian courts. The result is that, while political violence has diminished as a result of dominion by the State and - in many areas - the mafia, over insurgent groups, killings of civilians by the Army trained and equipped by the United States has risen dramatically, 72% since 2002.

The Colombian military’s long history of gross human rights abuses should have suggested long ago that the departments of State and Defense evaluate their military training for human rights. But although international military training aims to “emphasize an understanding of internationally recognized human rights,” the military doesn’t evaluate human rights performance, either. The U.S. Southern Command, for example, typically measures success of training by promotions of officers receiving assistance, by the officers’ positive image of the United States, and whether they rise to positions of prominence such as defense attaché, or even the presidency.

Addressing the Problem
Today, a reform process of the Foreign Assistance Act undertaken by the House Foreign Affairs Committee offers an unprecedented opportunity to require periodic and comprehensive evaluation of the human rights impacts of U.S. military assistance. As part of such evaluation, the government should establish an independent commission to investigate the past activities of U.S. military schools, and make recommendations to establish safeguards to prevent violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The commission should include representatives of relevant government agencies, as well as human rights organizations and academics. Most importantly, such a commission should be given access to detailed data on who has received U.S. assistance and on human rights violations over long periods.

Periodic evaluation of the human rights performance of military training beneficiaries could draw on information already gathered by U.S. embassies from local courts, human rights NGOs, intelligence and enforcement agencies, and media reports. Basic criteria for evaluation should include whether there are credible reports of beneficiaries or troops under their command committing gross human rights abuses, and whether civilian courts are successfully trying those crimes. This evaluation should be transparent and made available to the public, and it should apply to assistance given through the Defense Department and other agencies, as well as the State Department.

Policymakers aren’t given to asking “why” questions. In the case of the human rights performance of client armies viewed as strategic allies, however, we should all be asking: If the United States is excluding abusive units from assistance, and training the rest in human rights, why so many of these armies continue abuse and kill their civilian compatriots? In the meantime, where the results of U.S. assistance are executions, torture, forced displacement, and other violations, the Obama administration should terminate military aid and cooperation.

© 2009 Foreign Policy In Focus

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This entry was posted on Tuesday, April 21st, 2009 at 5:55 pm and is filed under War & Terrorism News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.

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