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翻訳しなさい:
             
米国で訓練を受けた人権の濫用者
火曜日、2009年4月21日
Guantánamoの拘置所の発表された閉鎖のような人権そして国際法に、違反しているBarack Obama大統領は少数をのブッシュ政権の最も言語道断な方針逆転させた。 しかしそれは彼が人権の尊重の方に軍隊を見られることを導く残り、アメリカの司令官および米国制度上の免除を変えるかどの程度まで。 軍の同盟国は慣れてきた。 先月、戦闘中の司令官は議会の前に資金の彼らの重要性を主張することを来た。 ジェームスStavridis南命令主な海軍大将は、アメリカ大陸の特に前の学校重大な資金が軍事訓練のためいかにであるか言うことを躊躇しなかった(今共同警備のための西半球の協会と呼ばれる)。 「友情これらの施設で私達の軍当局者間で成長した」、はStavridisは言った、「学校」民主的な価値の強い重点および人権の尊重はであり、有効な連合作戦が可能な軍事施設の作成に重大」。 しかしどんな証拠がそこにこと米国を受け取る149の他の国家の特定の軍隊である。 訓練を受け取った後実際に訓練し、他の援助の点の人権もっとか。 1997年以来の「Leahy法律として」の知られている立法は米国を禁止した。 総体の人権侵害託した外国の軍隊への援助。 しかし焦点は託される濫用に援助が与えられる前にある。 米国は与えた後軍の援助の人権の影響の制度上の評価を行なわない。 それ学生、または訓練はある 実際は、時々反対は本当である。 2005のアメリカ大陸の卒業生の学校の調査は学校で1つ以上のコースを取っている兵士が数伝えられるところでは濫用を託してちょうど1のコースを取った人より倍本当らしかったことを分った。 RAND Corporationによる2006調査はことを米国分った。 軍事訓練はパキスタンおよびウズベキスタンの総体の違反を託し続けた力を支えた。 同じような要求は2つの明らかな例を考慮するためにイラクおよびイスラエル共和国に与えられた援助について作ることができる。 コロンビアでは、和解およびアムネスティ・インターナショナルの団体は米国を受け取る陸軍部隊のデータを見直した。 援助-特に訓練する。 We found that nearly half (47%) of civilian killings reportedly committed by the army in 2007 were committed by units that had been reviewed and received U.S. assistance in 2006 and 2007. Many more were committed by units from which individual officers were drawn and received leadership and other training at U.S. military schools. Periodic evaluation is a basic prerequisite for any government program, but especially one that imparts lethal skills and equipment. As Congress’ comptroller, the General Accountability Office should study whether assistance is fulfilling U.S. human rights policy objectives. Instead its reports focus on limited questions of efficiency in the use of funds. A GAO evaluation of Plan Colombia last year, for example, that was two years in the making, didn’t once address the impacts on respect for human rights - for good or bad - of the $5 billion in U.S. military aid to Colombia since 2000. In Colombia, progress on human rights is measured by macro-factors, such as overall levels of political violence, instead of by violations by the institutions that were directly assisted by the United States or by the extent that those violations were prosecuted in civilian courts. The result is that, while political violence has diminished as a result of dominion by the State and - in many areas - the mafia, over insurgent groups, killings of civilians by the Army trained and equipped by the United States has risen dramatically, 72% since 2002. The Colombian military’s long history of gross human rights abuses should have suggested long ago that the departments of State and Defense evaluate their military training for human rights. But although international military training aims to “emphasize an understanding of internationally recognized human rights,” the military doesn’t evaluate human rights performance, either. The U.S. Southern Command, for example, typically measures success of training by promotions of officers receiving assistance, by the officers’ positive image of the United States, and whether they rise to positions of prominence such as defense attaché, or even the presidency. Addressing the Problem Periodic evaluation of the human rights performance of military training beneficiaries could draw on information already gathered by U.S. embassies from local courts, human rights NGOs, intelligence and enforcement agencies, and media reports. Basic criteria for evaluation should include whether there are credible reports of beneficiaries or troops under their command committing gross human rights abuses, and whether civilian courts are successfully trying those crimes. This evaluation should be transparent and made available to the public, and it should apply to assistance given through the Defense Department and other agencies, as well as the State Department. Policymakers aren’t given to asking “why” questions. In the case of the human rights performance of client armies viewed as strategic allies, however, we should all be asking: If the United States is excluding abusive units from assistance, and training the rest in human rights, why so many of these armies continue abuse and kill their civilian compatriots? In the meantime, where the results of U.S. assistance are executions, torture, forced displacement, and other violations, the Obama administration should terminate military aid and cooperation. © 2009 Foreign Policy In Focus Have Your Say: US-Trained Human Rights Abusers Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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