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Trompeurs Nous-Qualifiés de droits de l'homme

Mardi 21 avril 2009

Le Président Barack Obama a renversé quelques unes des politiques les plus insignes d'administration de Bush violant des droits de l'homme et le droit international, tel que la fermeture annoncée du centre de détention dans Guant ? namo. Mais il reste à voir dans quelle mesure il mènera les militaires vers le respect pour des droits de l'homme, et change l'impunité institutionnelle à laquelle les commandants et les États-Unis américains les alliés militaires se sont habitués.

Le mois dernier, les commandants combattants sont venus devant le congrès pour faire leur point de droit pour le placement. Amiral en chef James Stavridis de commande méridionale n'a pas hésité à dire à quel point les fonds critiques sont pour la formation militaire, particulièrement l'ancienne école des Amériques (maintenant appelées l'institut occidental d'hémisphère pour la coopération de sécurité). « La camaraderie développée parmi nos dirigeants militaires à ces établissements, » Stavridis a indiqué, « et les écoles' emphase forte sur des valeurs démocratiques et respect pour des droits de l'homme sont critiques à créer les établissements militaires capables des opérations combinées efficaces. »

Mais quelle évidence est là que les unités militaires spécifiques dans 149 autres nations recevant les États-Unis aide s'exerçante et autre respectent réellement des droits de l'homme davantage après réception de la formation ? La législation connue sous le nom de « loi de Leahy » depuis 1997 a interdit les États-Unis l'aide aux unités militaires étrangères qui ont commis des droits de l'homme bruts maltraite. Mais le foyer est sur des abus commis avant que l'aide soit donnée. Les Etats-Unis n'effectuent aucune évaluation institutionnelle des impacts de droits de l'homme de son aide militaire après qu'ils aient donné.

Est lui les étudiants, ou la formation
L'article fondamental de la foi pour évaluer d'autres disques de droits de l'homme de nations' pour voir s'ils sont dignes des États-Unis l'aide militaire, est qu'une telle volonté d'aide « professionalize » d'autres armées, ou à plus mauvais soit neutre pour son impact sur le respect pour des droits de l'homme.

En fait, parfois l'opposé est vrai. Une étude de l'école des diplômés des Amériques dans 2005 a constaté que les soldats prenant plus d'un cours à l'école étaient plusieurs fois pour avoir commis prétendument des abus que ceux qui ont pris juste un cours. Une étude 2006 par RAND Corporation a constaté que les États-Unis la formation militaire a soutenu les forces qui ont continué à commettre des violations brutes au Pakistan et l'Uzbekistan. Des réclamations semblables ont pu être faites au sujet de l'aide donnée en Irak et en Israel, pour considérer deux exemples évidents. En Colombie, la camaraderie des données passées en revue internationales de réconciliation et d'amnistie sur des unités d'armée recevant les États-Unis aide - particulièrement s'exerçant. We found that nearly half (47%) of civilian killings reportedly committed by the army in 2007 were committed by units that had been reviewed and received U.S. assistance in 2006 and 2007. Many more were committed by units from which individual officers were drawn and received leadership and other training at U.S. military schools.

Periodic evaluation is a basic prerequisite for any government program, but especially one that imparts lethal skills and equipment. As Congress’ comptroller, the General Accountability Office should study whether assistance is fulfilling U.S. human rights policy objectives. Instead its reports focus on limited questions of efficiency in the use of funds. A GAO evaluation of Plan Colombia last year, for example, that was two years in the making, didn’t once address the impacts on respect for human rights - for good or bad - of the $5 billion in U.S. military aid to Colombia since 2000.

In Colombia, progress on human rights is measured by macro-factors, such as overall levels of political violence, instead of by violations by the institutions that were directly assisted by the United States or by the extent that those violations were prosecuted in civilian courts. The result is that, while political violence has diminished as a result of dominion by the State and - in many areas - the mafia, over insurgent groups, killings of civilians by the Army trained and equipped by the United States has risen dramatically, 72% since 2002.

The Colombian military’s long history of gross human rights abuses should have suggested long ago that the departments of State and Defense evaluate their military training for human rights. But although international military training aims to “emphasize an understanding of internationally recognized human rights,” the military doesn’t evaluate human rights performance, either. The U.S. Southern Command, for example, typically measures success of training by promotions of officers receiving assistance, by the officers’ positive image of the United States, and whether they rise to positions of prominence such as defense attach?, or even the presidency.

Addressing the Problem
Today, a reform process of the Foreign Assistance Act undertaken by the House Foreign Affairs Committee offers an unprecedented opportunity to require periodic and comprehensive evaluation of the human rights impacts of U.S. military assistance. As part of such evaluation, the government should establish an independent commission to investigate the past activities of U.S. military schools, and make recommendations to establish safeguards to prevent violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The commission should include representatives of relevant government agencies, as well as human rights organizations and academics. Most importantly, such a commission should be given access to detailed data on who has received U.S. assistance and on human rights violations over long periods.

Periodic evaluation of the human rights performance of military training beneficiaries could draw on information already gathered by U.S. embassies from local courts, human rights NGOs, intelligence and enforcement agencies, and media reports. Basic criteria for evaluation should include whether there are credible reports of beneficiaries or troops under their command committing gross human rights abuses, and whether civilian courts are successfully trying those crimes. This evaluation should be transparent and made available to the public, and it should apply to assistance given through the Defense Department and other agencies, as well as the State Department.

Policymakers aren’t given to asking “why” questions. In the case of the human rights performance of client armies viewed as strategic allies, however, we should all be asking: If the United States is excluding abusive units from assistance, and training the rest in human rights, why so many of these armies continue abuse and kill their civilian compatriots? In the meantime, where the results of U.S. assistance are executions, torture, forced displacement, and other violations, the Obama administration should terminate military aid and cooperation.

? 2009 Foreign Policy In Focus


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This entry was posted on Tuesday, April 21st, 2009 at 5:55 pm and is filed under War & Terrorism News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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