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Vertaal:
              De overeenkomsten van de veiligheid betekenen het beroep van Irak tot 2012 en verder zal verdergaan
Donderdag, 4 December, 2008
Door James Cogan?| meer dan vijf-en-a-halve jaren, en ten koste van het leven van minstens één miljoen Irakezen en meer dan 4.200 Amerikanen, hebben de V.S. Irak bezet en al verzet tegen zijn aanwezigheid onderdrukt. De bekrachtiging van het Iraakse parlement van een statuut van krachtenovereenkomst en „Strategisch Kader“ met de V.S. op 27 November verzekert het aan de gang zijnde beroep van het land en formaliseert zijn status als een satellietstaat van de V.S. ? Het statuut van krachten gaat in effect op 1 Januari, dezelfde dag verloopt een mandaat van de Verenigde Naties, en verstrekt een juridisch kader voor Amerikaanse verrichtingen binnen Irak tot 31 December, 2011. De nieuwgekozen president Barack Obama heeft zijn zegel van goedkeuring op de nieuwe regelingen gezet. ? Met de bewapende weerstand die grotendeels in bloed is verdronken, zullen de het gevechtstroepen van de V.S. terug naar zowat 400 versterkte basissen buiten de de bevolkingscentra van het land door het midden van volgend jaar trekken. De Iraakse overheid, echter, kan Amerikaanse militaire hulp in gevechtsverrichtingen tegen „terroristen“ op elk ogenblik verzoeken, „groepen“ en „resten van het vorige regime“ verbannen. De componenten van het „niet-gevecht“ van de militaire V.S. zullen de „opleiding van, het uitrusten van, het steunen van, het leveren van en de bevordering van logistieke systemen“ voor de Iraakse veiligheidskrachten verlenen. Irak kan „tijdelijke steun“ bij de V.S. voor het „toezicht en de controle van Iraakse luchtruimte“ ook vragen. ? De Amerikaanse troepen en de burgerlijke contractanten die door de Afdeling van de Defensie van de V.S. worden tewerkgesteld zullen met volledige immuniteit van Iraakse wet blijven werken, behalve in de zeldzame gevallen waar zij en van hun basissen buiten dienst zijn. De het beroepskrachten van de V.S. kunnen blijven materiaal en goederen invoeren en uitvoeren, en personeel in en uit het land bewegen zonder onderworpen het zijn aan enige belastingen, douanelasten of zelfs inspectie door Iraakse agentschappen. ? De burgerlijke veiligheidsbedrijven aangegaan door buitenlandse ambassades, hulpagentschappen en Iraakse politici zullen van immuniteit worden ontdaan van. Men verwacht daarom dat het meeste nietIraaks personeel zal weggaan, dwingend grote aantallen mercenaries om contracten in Afghanistan of andere potentiële oorlogsstreken te zoeken. ? Uiteindelijk, werden de overeenkomsten gesteund door de twee belangrijke fundamentalistische partijen Shiite in de overheid van Maliki? de Islamitische Opperste Raad van Irak (ISCI) en DA' wa? evenals door de Koerdische nationalistische partijen en de sunni-Gebaseerde Iraakse Voorzijde van de Overeenstemming (IAF). Over het geheel genomen, 149 van de 275 wetgevers in het parlement dat vóór wordt gestemd. Of the 35 who voted against, most were loyalists from the Shiite movement of cleric Moqtada al-Sadr. The remaining legislators either abstained or were not present. ? The Sunni support for the agreements was won through a range of political concessions by Maliki. A referendum will be held before July to give a popular endorsement to the pacts; amnesty will be offered to many of the estimated 25,000, predominantly Sunni detainees being held in US or Iraqi government prisons; and more of the Sunni Awakening Council militiamen recruited during the US military surge will be offered positions in the Iraqi army or public service. ? The IAF’s acceptance was sufficient for the agreements to gain the implicit backing of the Shiite religious elite in Iraq, headed by Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. Sistani had appealed for unity on any pact with the US. The primary concern of the clergy was that Sunni opposition could re-ignite a large-scale insurgency against the Shiite-dominated government. ? Two aspects of the agreement also overcame the opposition of the Iranian regime, which is close to both ISCI and Da’wa. US forces are prohibited from storing “weapons of mass destruction” such as nuclear weapons on Iraqi territory, or using its land, air or sea space to attack other states. In another signal that Tehran hopes for better relations with the US after the inauguration of an Obama administration, a senior Iranian leader, Ahmad Jannati, hailed the agreements as “a very good decision by the Iraqi parliament”. ? Da’wa, ISCI and the Sunni IAF?groupings that have directly collaborated with the US since the 2003 invasion?are all seeking to use the agreement to bolster their electoral fortunes ahead of provincial elections in January. They are presenting their protracted negotiations with the Bush administration as a victory in securing a definite date for the end to the broadly hated foreign occupation. ? The agreement does state that “all United States forces shall withdraw from all Iraqi territory” by the end of 2011. The barely disguised intent, however, is that the terms will be renegotiated beforehand to sanction an enduring American presence. The associated “Strategic Framework Agreement,” which was signed between the Bush administration and the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki on November 28, commits both parties to a “long term relationship in economic, diplomatic, cultural and security fields”. ? In three years time, the Iraqi security forces will still be incapable of conducting operations against significant insurgent activity without American support, let alone defending Iraq’s borders against potential regional rivals. The US occupation has not provided the Iraqi military with a modern air force, naval assets, modern tanks and artillery. A small number of advanced F-16 jet fighters and helicopters are due for delivery in 2011, but will require US personnel and maintenance systems. ? John Nagl, a retired US officer who assisted General David Petraeus draft the counter-insurgency plan applied in Iraq, told the Washington Post last month: “Everyone knows the Iraqi security forces are not going to be self-sufficient by 2011. There are going to be Americans helping Iraqis keep their F-16s in the air for at least a decade.” The Iraqi ministry of defence has stated that the earliest it will have an “independent” air force is 2020. ? Moreover, in dealing with “external or internal threats,” the Strategic Framework sanctions the US to use “diplomatic, economic or military measures, or any other measure, to deter such a threat”. Not only does this imply an ongoing presence, the clause could be interpreted as overriding, under certain circumstances, the status of forces’ prohibitions on stationing nuclear weapons in Iraq or using the country to launch attacks elsewhere. ? For American personnel and the Iraqi people, therefore, US deployments to Iraq are far from coming to an end. Even with no major deterioration in the security situation, and after a substantial withdrawal by 2011 to reinforce the occupation of Afghanistan or conduct other operations, tens of thousands of troops will remain to garrison the major air bases the US has constructed at Balad, Al Asad, Tallil and other locations. While not called “permanent bases,” the American military will be using these facilities for years to come. Have Your Say: Security agreements mean Iraq occupation will continue to 2012 and beyond Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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