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秘密文書は90年代に軍隊の殺害をわかっている米国を示す
火曜日、2009年1月13日
Constanza Vieira著 | 公開された米国。 文書はそのCIAおよび前の米国を示す。 大使は、1990年まで遡って、十分に把握していたことコロンビアの軍隊-米国の3番目に大きい受け手。 イスラエル共和国の後の援助およびエジプトは「特殊部隊作戦の一部として-託していた法廷外の殺害を」。の 彼らはまた年長のコロンビアの役人が「死者数」の心的状態を左翼のゲリラに対する戦いの進歩を示すために励ましたことも知っていた。 場合の未定数では、対内乱活動戦争の死傷者として示されたボディは実際に国の十年古い武力紛争とは全く関係なかった一般市民だった。 少なくとも1990年以来、米国。 外交官はワシントンを基盤とした国家安全保障のアーカイブ(NSA)に従ってコロンビアの保安部隊と右端の薬剤動く民兵組織間の関係を、報告していた。 その間、米国。 規則的にコロンビアの人権記録を証明し、重く「薬剤の戦争を融資し続ける国務省」。 公開された文書は1月出版された。 NSAによって7つは、集まるジョージ・ワシントン大学にある非政府の研究および記録保管施設、公開された米国をアーカイブし、出版する。 情報の自由によって得られる官庁出版物は機能する。 NSAのコロンビアのプロジェクトは米国の秘密の政府のアーカイブからの文書の解放を識別し、しっかり止める。 問題に関するコロンビアの方針は保証援助、人権、免除およびcounternarcoticsプログラムを好む。 「これらの記録方針のライトを取除いた-最近まだ未公開のコロンビアの軍隊のレポートで検査される幾年もの間コロンビアの軍当局者の行動、準軍事的な麻薬密売人との法廷外実行そして共同に導いて影響を及ぼされる」、は先週解放されるNSAのレポートを言うこと。 NSAが述べた秘密の軍隊のレポートは30人の陸軍将校の解雇およびGen.の辞職を遅い2008年にもたらした。 Mario Montoyaの長く「死者数をゲリラに対して進歩を測定するのに使用する考えを促進したコロンビアの軍隊の責任者は」 NSAのレポートの著者を書くミハエルEvans。 NSAが得る公開された文書の1通ではそして米国。 Myles Frechette大使はランクを通って上るように努めているコロンビアの陸軍将校間の「死者数心的状態」のについて1994年に不平を言った。 「積極的な反ゲリラの活動の昇進時に実績(軍隊の人権侵害のある大半が行われるか)彼ら自身に損害を与える示すことができない佐官」、はFrechetteを言った。 Evans, director of the NSA Colombia Project, states in his report that “the documents raise important questions about the historical and legal responsibilities the Army has to come clean about what appears to be a longstanding, institutional incentive to commit murder.” “But the manner in which the investigation was conducted ― in absolute secrecy and with little or no legal consequences for those implicated ― raises a number of important questions,” says Evans, who asks “when, if ever, will the Colombian Army divulge the contents of its internal report?” The question of extrajudicial killings by the army made the international headlines and drew the attention of the United Nations after a scandal broke out in the Colombian media in September 2008 over the bodies of young men reported by the armed forces as dead guerrillas or paramilitaries. It turned out that the men had gone missing from their homes in slum neighbourhoods on the southside of Bogotá and that their corpses had turned up two or three days later in morgues hundreds of kilometres away. Since then, scores of cases of “body count” killings by the army, also known as “false positives,” have emerged. Although the government expressed shock and indignation, evidence soon began to emerge of a pattern that dated back years. As defence minister under current President Álvaro Uribe, Camilo Ospina, who is now Colombia’s ambassador to the Organisation of American States (OAS), signed a 15-page secret ministerial directive in 2005 that provided for rewards for the capture or killing of leaders of illegal armed groups, for military information and war materiel, and for successful counterdrug actions. According to the W Radio station, which reported on the secret directive in late October, it could have encouraged extrajudicial killings under a new system, which may include “a mafia of bounty-hunters allied with members of the military.” But in the view of Iván Cepeda, spokesman for the National Movement of Victims of State Crimes (MOVICE), “this is not about an infiltration of organised crime in the armed forces, nor about people who have broken the law. As the NSA report shows, this is an institutional practice that has been followed for decades.” The Defence Ministry directive encouraged the phenomenon by creating a system of incentives that rewards “results” in the form of battlefield casualties, “discounting accepted methods and controls and the observance of human rights and international humanitarian law,” he said. Cepeda also maintained that the activities of far-right death squads and the army’s “body count” killings were connected, and that the military used the paramilitaries to show results. “The paramilitaries delivered to the army the bodies of people who were supposed members of the guerrillas but who were actually people selectively killed by those (paramilitary) groups,” he told IPS. When the killings became more and more widespread, the armed forces themselves asked the paramilitaries to hide the remains, to keep the country’s homicide rate from soaring any further, paramilitaries who took part in a demobilisation process negotiated with the right-wing Uribe administration have confessed. The declassified documents demonstrate “that the U.S. military as well as U.S. diplomats and governments have taken a complacent stance towards this kind of practice,” said Cepeda. The declassified records are in line with the results of “Colombia nunca más” (Colombia never again), a monumental effort to document human rights abuses carried out by 17 organisations since 1995. “’Colombia nunca más’ has created a databank on 45,000 (human rights) violations, including around 25,000 extrajudicial executions and 10,000 forced disappearances, committed between 1966 and 1998,” said Cepeda. Colombia’s two insurgent groups emerged in 1964 and the paramilitaries in 1982, although the latter launched a lethal offensive beginning in 1997. Cepeda told IPS that in the next few months, MOVICE would begin to organise the families of victims of extrajudicial killings, which would culminate in a national meeting to discuss “what routes of documenting the truth and obtaining justice can be followed in an organised manner by the families of the victims of this practice.” The earliest of the declassified documents obtained by the NSA is a 1990 cable signed by then U.S. Ambassador Thomas McNamara, addressed to the State Department and copied to the Defence Department, the U.S. army Southern Command, and the U.S. embassies in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. The cable, whose subject line reads “human rights in Colombia ― widespread allegations of abuses by the army,” cites reports that an army major “personally directed the torture of 11 detainees and their subsequent execution…carried out by cutting of the limbs and heads of the still living victims with a chain saw.” Referring to the connection between army officers and the paramilitaries, the ambassador stated that many “officers continue to discount virtually all allegations of military abuses as part of a leftist inspired plot to discredit the military as an institution.” In addition, the cable mentions “strong evidence linking members of the army and police to a number of disappearances and murders which took place earlier this year in Trujillo, Valle de Cauca department.” McNamara also mentioned “an apparent June 7 incident of extra-judicial executions.” “The military reported to the press that, on that date, it killed 9 guerrillas in combat in El Ramal, Santander department. The investigation by Instruccion Criminal and the Procuraduria (legal authorities) strongly suggests, however, that the nine were executed by the army and then dressed in military fatigues. A military judge who arrived on the scene apparently realised that there were no bullet holes in the military uniforms to match the wounds in the victims’ bodies, and ordered the uniforms burned,” said the ambassador. As sources told the ambassador, “all of the victims were part of the same family, and one of them, said by the army to have been a guerrilla, was 87 years old.” Have Your Say: Secret Documents Show US Aware of Army Killings in 1990s Please read our posting guidelines before posting. Alternatively you can discuss this report here. Related News
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