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Wednesday, April 16th, 2008 周三， 2008年4月16日

By通过 Eveline Lubbers人Eveline吕贝尔斯

The Campaign Against Arms Trade ( CAAT ) is a well respected Quaker and Christian-based pacifist group, which believes in non-violent protest.运动反对军火贸易（ caat ）是一个非常尊重贵格会和基督教为基础的和平主义小组，该小组认为，在非暴力的抗议。 In the mid 1990s the group was stepping up a campaign against the £500m sale of BAe jets to Indonesia.在20世纪90年代中期该集团加紧开展运动，打击对英镑五〇 〇米出售的裴勇俊喉印度尼西亚。 The campaigners protested that the aircraft would be used to crush resistance in East Timor, which was seeking independence.该运动提出抗议，这架飞机将被用于粉碎阻力，在东帝汶，这是谋求独立。 The Sunday Times revealed in September 2003 that British Aerospace used a private intelligence company to spy on CAAT , since that time.这个星期日时报透露，在2003年9月，英国航空航天用了一个私人情报公司进行间谍活动对caat ，自那时以来。 Evelyn Le Chêne, a woman with considerable intelligence connections, sent daily reports on activists’ whereabouts to Britain’s largest arms dealer.伊夫林乐chêne ，一名女子与相当的情报联系，每天发送的报告活动家'的下落，以英国最大的军火商。 The intelligence company was called Threat Response International.情报公司是所谓的国际威胁的反应。

This article is based on a detailed analysis of these secret reports.此文章是基于一个详细的分析，这些秘密报告。 The files show how the Campaign Against the Arms Trade was subverted by infiltrators passing on information and manipulating the activists.档案显示，如何运动，反对军火贸易是颠覆渗透通过对信息和操纵分子。

Evelyn Le Chêne was identified by the Sunday Times as a key player in a vast private intelligence-gathering network that gathered intelligence on the identities and confidential details of nearly 150,000 activists.伊夫林乐chêne被确定由周日的时代，作为一个关键的球员在一个广阔的私人情报收集网络，收集情报上的身份和机密的详情，近15.0万活动家。 This information was collated and marketed to British industrial companies.这方面的资料是整理和销售，以英国工业公司。 BAe was only one of her clients.裴只有一个，她的客户。 It paid her for at least four years – from 1996 to 1999 – to spy on opponents of the arms trade. CAAT appears to have been her main target.它支付了她在至少四年-从1 996年至1 999年-间谍对对手的军火贸易。c a at似乎已她的主要目标。 Six to eight agents infiltrated the group over a period of time; there is reason to believe the spying went on until the date of the exposure in the Sunday Times in September 2003. 6至8个代理商渗透该集团在过去一段时间;我们有理由相信，刺探一直持续到该日期的曝光，在周日的时代在2003年9月。

Previous research into the intelligence company had been conducted by Dutch grass-roots organisation buro Jansen & Janssen .以前的研究纳入情报公司已进行了由荷兰的基层组织buro扬森＆詹森。 I was involved in an investigation in 1998 that resulted in the exposure of an infiltrator.我是参与了调查，在1998年，导致在曝光一渗入。 Adrian Franks had attracted attention when he tried to extend his connections with Dutch activist groups, such as the anti military research collective AMOK and the environmental network Aseed.阿德里安弗兰克斯已引起注意，当他试图延长他的连接与荷兰活动家群体，如反军事科研集体amok和环境网络爱实得。 The then 39-year-old Frenchman from Equihen Plage in Normandy used several surnames, and our investigation discovered he was the owner of a private intelligence company that collected information on activists.当时39岁的法国人从equihen plage在诺曼底用几个姓氏，和我们的调查发现，他是拥有一个私人情报公司收集到的资料就活动家。 The name of this company was Risk & Crisis Analyses, whose parent company was registered in Rochester, UK.的名称，这家公司是风险与危机分析，其母公司是注册在罗彻斯特大学，英国。

This left us with a story, but also quite a few loose ends.这给我们留下了一个故事，但也有不少的枝节问题。 It was established that Franks crossed the Channel regularly so buro Jansen & Janssen tried to interest British activist groups in the investigation.它的成立指出，弗兰克斯越过渠道定期buro扬森＆詹森尝试的兴趣，英国活动家群体的调查。 Although CAAT and Corporate Watch as well as other organisations (like Enaat) that Adrian claimed to be affiliated with had received warnings about Adrian from their Dutch counterparts, none of them followed up the leads.虽然caat观赏和企业以及其他机构（如enaat ）阿德里安自称为下属已收到警告，阿德里安从他们的荷兰同行，但他们跟进的线索。 Our resources were tight.我们的资源紧绌。 For the Dutch activists exposing Adrian was enough.为荷兰活动家揭露阿德里安是不够的。 The internet was in its infancy and there was no data on line relating to Risk & Crisis Analyses.互联网是处于起步阶段，并没有数据上线有关的风险与危机的分析。 Nor would it have been cheap to cross the Channel and carry on the investigation abroad.也不会被廉价的过境通道和进行有关调查在国外。 Not without the help, or the stimulus, of worried grass roots groups.不无帮助，或刺激，担心基层团体。 If only we had known how close we were…只要我们已知道如何关闭我们…

Five years later, in September 2003, David Connett of the Sunday Times found an account of the Jansen & Janssen investigation on the internet.五年后，于2003年9月，戴维康的周日发现一帐户的扬森＆詹森调查在互联网上。 He urgently needed confirmation that Adrian Franks, who also used the name Le Chêne, was related to Evelyn Le Chêne.他急需确认阿德里安弗兰克斯，谁也使用名称乐chêne ，有关伊夫林乐chêne 。 Connett was investigating Threat Response International, a company which advised corporations on security threats.康正在调查威胁的回应国际，该公司建议，企业对安全威胁。 Evelyn Le Chêne was on the board.伊夫林乐chêne是对董事会。 When she was first approached by British Aerospace to carry out surveillance work in the mid-1990s, she had been running a company named R&CA Publications from an office in an industrial estate in Rochester,UK.当她第一次接触，英国航空航天公司，以进行监视，工作在20世纪90年代中期，她已运行的一间公司命名的R ＆钙出版物从一个办事处，在一个工业地产在罗彻斯特大学，英国。 This was the same company that closed down and disappeared shortly after the Dutch exposure of one of its directors as a spy.这是同一公司倒闭和消失后不久，荷兰的暴露，它的一个董事作为一个间谍。

Adrian turned out to be Evelyn’s son, and was still working for her company, now called Threat Response International.阿德里安原来要伊夫林的儿子，并且仍在工作，她的公司，现在所谓的国际威胁的反应。
Because of my earlier involvement in the case the Sunday Times granted me access to the spy files.因为我刚才的参与在该情况下，周日时代给予我接触到的间谍档案。 The files we examined – about 500 pages – basically consisted of printed reports to BAe, made by Evelyn Le Chêne, calling herself “Source P”.档案我们研究-约5 00个页面-基本上构成的印刷报告，裴勇俊，所作出的伊夫林乐c h êne，要求自己“源P ”字。

This was a rare opportunity to investigate corporate spying and anti-activist infiltration from the inside.这是一个难得的机会，调查公司的间谍和反分子渗透，从内。 What follows in an analysis of the spy files, an assessment of the history and practices of both Adrian and Evelyn Le Chêne and some observations on what can be learned from this episode.什么如下在分析了间谍档案，评估的历史和做法，双方的阿德里安和伊夫林乐chêne和一些意见有什么可以学到从这个插曲。

Daily reports 每日报告

In late 1995, when John Major’s Conservative government was deciding whether to grant licences for the Hawk contract, the intelligence reports on CAAT’s activities were flowing into BAe’s offices at Farnborough, Hampshire on an almost daily basis.在1995年年底，当梅杰的保守党政府是决定是否批出牌照的鹰派合同，情报报告对caat的活动流入裴勇俊的办事处在farnborough ，新罕布什尔州的一对，几乎每天的基础。

The accounts of meetings are pretty detailed.帐目会议是相当的详细。 They describe people, their habits and their willingness to participate in CAAT .他们所描述的人，他们的习惯和他们愿意参加在caat 。 They report people not having much time to engage themselves in campaign activities and cite familiar reasons such as illness, study, family and work commitments:他们的报告人没有太多时间从事自己的竞选活动和举熟悉的原因，例如生病，学习，家庭和工作的承诺：

”A. “答： is recovering from influenza and is not participating at all for the moment.正在复苏，从流感和不参加所有为当务之急。 She is still interested in doing CAAT ‘things’… However, this year she has been crying off sick or as being too tired or that she has something else to do when she is asked to participate in meetings and liaisons.”她仍是有兴趣做caat '的东西' … …然而，这年她一直哭泣过生病或由于过于疲倦或她的东西，否则这样做时，她是要求参加的会议和联络员“ 。
“B. “乙 is increasingly tied up with writing a research dissertation for a degree and since her hernia operation has not been very active.越来越捆绑与写作研究论文某种程度和疝以来，她的运作并没有一直十分活跃。 She has been seldom at home when contact has been attempted.” [9 June 1997]她一直很少在家里当联络人已被企图“ 。 [ 1997年6月9日]

Le Chêne initially sent her briefings on an encrypted fax to BAe security offices on the ground floor of Lancaster House at Farnborough airfield.乐chêne最初发出她介绍了一个加密传真至裴勇俊安全办公室在地面层的兰开斯特宫在farnborough机场。 Later BAe set up software on her office computer so the company could access reports directly from her database.后来裴成立软件对她的办公室的计算机上，以便该公司可以进入的报告，直接从她的资料库。 A Sunday Times’ source claimed the firm paid her £120,000 a year . 1星期日时报消息称，该公司支付12.0万英镑，她的一年。

Le Chêne recruited at least half a dozen agents to infiltrate CAAT’s headquarters at Finsbury Park, north London, and a number of regional offices.乐chêne招聘，至少有一半是十几个代理商渗透caat的总部在芬斯伯里公园，北伦敦，一些区域办事处。 During the four year infiltration that these records cover Le Chêne submitted thousands of pages of reports to BAe, which kept the company fully briefed on CAAT’s meetings, demonstrations and political contacts.在四年的渗透，这些记录包括乐chêne提交了数千页的报告，裴勇俊，公司保持了全面介绍caat的会议，示威和政治接触。

Some of the information was gathered by spies attending CAAT meetings posing as activists.有些资料是收集的间谍出席会议caat假扮活动家。 However, the files also show that Le Chêne’s agents gained access to CAAT’s IT system and databases.不过，文件也显示，乐chêne的代理商获得caat的IT系统和数据库。 Le Chêne reports to BAe that diskettes full of information from within CAAT have been acquired.乐chêne报告，以培认为，软磁盘充分的信息从内部caat已获得的。 One agent downloaded the entire contents of a CAAT headquarters computer including a membership list, personal folders and details of private donations.一剂下载的整个内容1 caat总部的电脑，包括成员名单，个人文件夹和细节的私人捐款。

Another striking aspect of the files is the repeated offer by one of the infiltrators to install a new computer system at CAAT’s offices and members homes.另一个引人注目的方面的档案是重复提供由其中的渗透安装一套新的电脑系统在caat的办事处及成员的家园。
Bank accounts were accessed, and Evelyn Le Chêne traced back anonymous donations to the bank where they were made.银行帐户存取，并且伊夫林乐chêne追溯到无名氏捐款给银行，他们发了言。 “A legacy has come through for Treat [Trust for Research and Education on Arms] for £4,000. “遗产来对待，通过为[信托基金的研究和教育对武器]为4000英镑。 The legacy money was anonymously donated through Draper, Crellings, Solicitors, Weybridge.遗留下来的钱是通过匿名捐赠德拉帕尔， crellings ，律师，韦布里奇。 This has gone into the Treat account which now stands at £4,000”.这已经成为治疗的帐户，现在已达到4000英镑“ 。 [22 August 1997] [ 1997年8月22日]

Desks were rifled, diaries were read and address books photocopied so information could be passed to BAe. CAAT members were often followed.服务台内螺纹，日记被读取和地址簿影印，使信息可以传递到裴勇俊。 caat成员往往遵循。 One such target was Anna B., described in one report as a “good-looking” 25-year-old, who was a key activist and networker for CAAT and student groups.这样一个目标，是安娜乙，描述在一个报告中作为一个“良好的前瞻性”今年25岁，谁是一个关键的活动家和网路为caat和学生团体。 The Sunday Times heard a tape recording of a phone conversation between Le Chêne and a senior officer in BAe group security which reveals that they discussed having Anna B. followed.该周日次听取了录音的电话通话之间的乐chêne和一位高级官员在英国宇航集团安全透露，他们讨论后，安娜乙其次。 Reports on Anna B. give details of her addresses, housemates, hairstyles, the contents of her diary and her alleged habit of smoking marijuana in the corridor.报告对安娜乙详细说明她的地址，合租，发型，内容，她的日记和她的指称的习惯，吸食大麻在走廊里。

Lessons to be learned 应汲取的教训

Given the level of infiltration and surveillance of CAAT on behalf of BAe what are the likely consequences for the activities of the organisation?鉴于水平的渗透和监视caat的名义裴什么是可能造成的后果，为活动的组织呢？ Below I will try to explain how the information was used to counter and undermine CAAT’s campaigning work.下面我会尝试解释如何信息被用来对付和破坏caat的竞选工作。

Lobbying 游说

The Sunday Times wrote that Le Chêne’s agents were instructed to take a particular interest in connections between anti-arms trade pressure groups and the House of Commons.这个星期日时报写道，乐chêne的代理商被指示采取特别有兴趣之间的联系，反武器贸易的压力团体和众议院的商品。 Meetings and correspondence with MPs of all three parties was closely monitored and advance warnings of any parliamentary events were forwarded to BAe.会议和书信往来，与强制性公积金计划的所有三个当事方是受到密切监察，并预先警告，任何议会的事件转发给裴勇俊。

According to a Sunday Times source, the agents collected a series of letters, many private, which were supplied to BAe.据一位周日倍源，代理商，收集了一系列的信件，很多私人，这是提供给裴勇俊。 They included correspondence discussing British policy on the sale of arms to Indonesia with a number of leading Labour politicians such as David Clark, then shadow defence secretary, Jeremy Hanley, then Foreign Office minister, and Jack Straw, then home secretary.它们包括函授讨论英国的政策就出售武器给印尼与一些领导劳工的政治家，如大卫克拉克，然后影子国防大臣，杰里米汉利，然后外事办公室部长，大臣施仲宏，那么内政大臣。

When CAAT and two other pressure groups hired solicitors Bindman and Partners to seek a judicial review of the granting of export licences for arms companies, BAe was alerted to the contents of a letter sent by the firm to the then trade minister, Ian Lang.当caat和其他两位压力团体聘请律师bindman和合作伙伴，寻求司法复核的给予出口许可证军火公司，裴勇俊已知悉的内容，致函由该公司向当时的贸易部长伊恩郎。

BAe’s security department filtered the information and passed it on to their in-house government relations teams so they could be one step ahead of the campaigners when lobbying in parliament.裴勇俊的安全部筛选信息，并通过这对他们在内部与政府的关系队，使他们可以先行一步的运动时，在国会游说。

Direct action 直接行动

Information on demonstrations and actions planned by CAAT was also highly prized by BAe.信息对示威和行动计划，由caat也高度珍视由BAE 。 Often the reports detailed plans for upcoming demonstrations by activists at BAe’s sites.往往是报告的详细计划，为即将举行的示威活动在裴勇俊的网站。 At one point the files give precise information on how a small group planed an ‘incursion’ of a BAe plant.在1点的文件给予确切的资料就如何一小群预定一'入侵'一培植物。 They intended to walk through the site, leaving behind some signs or traces of their action (varying from symbols of protest to the destruction of a Hawk).他们打算步行通过该网站，留下一些迹象或痕迹，他们的行动（从不同的象征，抗议销毁一鹰） 。 In one case, the files outline where the group was to assemble, the route of their walk, who was taking part, and what they would bring.在一个案例中，档案纲要所在组的组装，这条路线他们走路，谁正在参与，和他们所带来的。 A map with the planned route to take was attached to the report.在地图上与计划采取的路线是附在报告。

In other cases Evelyn Le Chêne provided BAe with elaborate advice on how to deal with certain situations.在其他情况下，伊夫林乐chêne提供的裴勇俊与阐述的意见，就如何处理某些情况下。 In March 1996 CAAT set up a Rapid Response Network to organise a ‘die-in’ outside Parliament on the first Thursday after BAe announced the delivery of Hawk-fighters to Indonesia.在1996年3月caat成立一个快速反应网络，举办一个'死-在'以外的议会对第一周四后，裴勇俊宣布，交付鹰战机给印尼。 Le Chêne’s advice was to carefully plan the timing of the announcement, counselling that the longer BAe delayed the announcement the more effective the CAAT protest would be.乐chêne的意见是审慎计划的时机宣布，辅导认为，较长的裴勇俊延迟公布更有效的caat抗议会。 Le Chêne suggested that BAe announced the delivery to coincide with the Parliamentary recess.乐chêne建议，裴勇俊宣布，交付，以配合该议会休会。 That way, the effect of the ‘die-in’ – lying dead in front of the Parliament – would be reduced to zero.这样一来，效果'压铸在' -说谎死在前面的议会-将减少到零。

By infiltrating CAAT so thoroughly BAe were well placed to ‘respond’ to activists’ protest tactics.由渗透caat彻底裴勇俊被有利的位置， '回应'活动家抗议战术。
Every occasion required a different tactic.每次需要一个不同的策略。 Where it was activists’ strategy to have themselves arrested in order use the resulting court case to draw more attention to their cause, Le Chêne suggested that BAe pressure the police to make as few arrests as possible.它被活动家'的策略，有自己的被捕，以便使用所产生的案件，以吸引更多的关注他们的事业，乐chêne建议，裴勇俊的压力，警方少作，尽可能逮捕。

A similar pattern is evident in the BAe response to CAAT’s ‘snowball’ strategy, which planned that each direct action that resulted in arrests would lead to further and larger actions.类似的模式是显而易见的，在裴回应caat的'滚雪球'战略，该战略计划，每个直接的行动，导致在逮捕会导致进一步的和更大的行动。 The resulting court cases were to be used to argue that activists were committing a crime (criminal damage) in order to prevent a greater crime (genocide) and that they were therefore not guilty.由此产生的诉讼案件被用来辩称，活跃分子犯下的罪行（刑事毁坏） ，以防止更大的罪案（灭绝种族罪） ，并因此，他们不认罪。 This defence was successful for Chris Cole in his 1993 ‘BAe Ploughshares’ protest, and Evelyn Le Chêne was afraid that it would work for the four women activists awaiting trial for ‘disarming’ a Hawk fighter with hammers on 29 January 1996.这一辩护是成功的为克里斯科尔在他1993年'裴犁的抗议，和伊夫林乐chêne恐怕会工作，为四，妇女活动家等待审判'解除'鹰战斗机与锤对1996年1月29日。

Le Chêne advised that the corporate response to these actions ought to be framed with reference to its effects on the longer-term protest.乐chêne表示，该公司为响应这些行动应以框架参照其对长远的抗议。

When two protesters went to a BAe site seeking to be arrested, the police merely confiscated their wire cutters.当两名示威去了裴勇俊的网站寻求被逮捕，警方只是没收了他们的丝刀。 They were reported to be annoyed, not least because they failed to generate publicity.他们据报被恼火，并非最不重要的，因为他们未能产生的宣传。 “It is therefore difficult not to conclude that arresting activists does play into their hands and leads ultimately to larger protests in the future. “因此，这是很难作出结论，认为逮捕活动家是否发挥到他们的手中，并导致最终以较大的抗议，在未来的。 On the other hand one does accept that to offer no counter would be unsustainable from a company point of view.在另一方面，一个没有接受提供，没有反将难以持续，从公司的角度来看。 Alternatives need to be discussed.” [8 March 1996] BAe also used Le Chêne’s insider knowledge to manage larger protests.选择需要加以讨论。 “ [ 1996年3月8日]裴也用乐chêne的内幕知识管理更大的抗议活动。 Demonstrations outside more than 60 UK BAe sites were thwarted by tip-offs from infiltrators, a key tactic being the ambush of trespassers who were then served injunctions preventing them from returning.示威以外的60多个英国培地盘挫败提示取舍，从渗透，其中一个关键的策略，被埋伏的入侵者谁，然后送达的禁制令，阻止他们返回。

Counterwork 对抗

CAAT’s work was opposed and stymied by BAe on other levels. caat的工作，反对和阻碍了由BAE对其他的水平。 When Evelyn Le Chêne heard that CAAT always received BAe press releases immediately after they were sent out through the BBC , her advice was to stop that procedure immediately: “Don’t send them or leave them to the last when it no longer matters.” [11 June 1997]当伊夫林乐chêne听说caat总是收到裴勇俊新闻发布后，立即被送往通过英国广播公司 ，她的意见是要阻止该程序立即说： “不把他们或让他们到最后，当它不再事项” 。 [ 1997年6月11日]

When CAAT campaigners requested a copy of the Defence Manufacturers Association ( DMA ) members list Evelyn Le Chêne was consulted by the Director General of DMA .当caat运动所要求的一份辩护制造商协会（ DMA的 ）成员名单伊夫林乐chêne谘询由总干事的DMA 。 She advised him not to cooperate.她劝他不要合作。 In her report to BAe she comments: “ My reply was that having such a comprehensive and up-to-date listing of all the defence support industries would cut down their own research time by 100% and likewise their expenditure for it by 200%.在她的报告中，以裴勇俊，她评论说： “我的答复是，有这样一个全面和切合时宜的上市，所有辩护支援产业将降低他们自己的研究时间由100 ％ ，同样他们的支出为它的200 ％ 。 We are of the opinion that the recommendation was not heeded.” [14 May 1997]我们都认为，该建议不获理会。 “ [ 1997年5月14日]

According to the Sunday Times, the sophistication of BAe’s management of the activist threat was such that the names and addresses of activists were routinely run through the BAe computers to check if any were shareholders.根据该周日的时候，先进的裴勇俊的管理的积极分子的威胁是如此的名称和地址活动家经常被贯穿裴电脑检查，如果任何人股东。 In addition, the BAe switchboard was configured to flag up any calls from telephone numbers associated with the activists.此外，该裴总机被配置为国旗的任何要求，从相关的电话号码与活动家。

Disinformation 造谣

On several occasions Evelyn Le Chêne proposed feeding CAAT disinformation in order to cast them in a bad light.在若干场合伊夫林乐chêne建议饲caat造谣，为了投下他们在一个坏的轻。 In February 1996 she referred to the climb-down Greenpeace made over the Brent Spar (when they mistakenly overstated the damage to the environment of dumping the oil platform into the ocean):在1996年2月，她转介到爬式绿色和平组织所取得的北海布伦特SPAR公司（当他们错误地夸大了对环境的损害的倾销幅度石油平台的入海） ：
“On the question of sighting Hawks in the sky above Indonesia, we discussed an idea or two I had some weeks ago. “关于这个问题的发现老鹰在上空，印度尼西亚，我们讨论了一个想法或两个，我几个星期前。 You will recall that Greenpeace had an embarrassing climb-down recently because they cried wolf too often.你会记得，绿色和平组织了尴尬的爬式，最近因为他们喊狼来了往往。 It might be time now to have another think on the idea I had about discounting the Hawks in Indonesia story.” [20 February 1996]可能是时间，现在有另一个认为对的思想，我曾约扣除鹰派在印度尼西亚的故事“ 。 [ 1996年2月20日]

By the end of January 1997, CAAT had joined the Clean Investment Campaign, which targeted organisations owning shares in military hardware production companies. CAAT prepared a public document with the help of – amongst others – Corporate Watch.由1997年1月底， caat加入了清洁的投资活动，有针对性的组织拥有的股份在军事硬件制作公司。 caat准备一份公开文件与帮助-其他-企业观赏。 Le Chêne commented: “Interestingly, they still appear not to have all their facts correct which could be a point worth encouraging” [27 January 1997].乐chêne评论说： “有趣的是，他们仍然会出现不拥有其所有的事实，正确的，这可能是一个点，值得鼓励” [ 1997年1月27日] 。 The strategy appears to have been to encourage CAAT to make claims (in good faith) which could later be used to discredit the campaign.战略似乎已经以鼓励caat提出索赔要求（在善意） ，可后来被用来抹黑运动。 It would be interesting to know what became of these suggestions, and what other disinformation operations have been taken into effect.这将是令人感兴趣的知道什么，成为这些建议，和其他什么假行动，已采取生效。 A fuller analysis of the Threat Response files may be able to shed more light on this matter.更详尽地分析这一威胁的回应文件，可以更加清楚地就这件事。

Agent provocateur 代理provocateur

Adrian Franks/ Le Chêne made a habit of proposing more radical actions than other campaign members.阿德里安弗兰克斯/乐chêne作出了习惯，提出更激进的行动，比其他运动的成员。 He repeatedly tried to incite people towards using more violence than they intended (given the pacifist origins of the group they tend to eschew violence).他多次试图煽动民众对使用更多的暴力比他们打算（鉴于和平的起源集团，他们倾向于避免暴力） 。 This was one of the reasons why he was not trusted by various people in different activist groups back in 1998.这是原因之一，他不信任，不同人在不同的活动组织早在1998年。
The account in the files of one occasion when Adrian irritated other activists with his proposals for a more radical approach, showed his disappointment about the fact that there was “no sign of any interest” for his suggestions.该帐户在档案有一次，当阿德里安恼火其他活动家，他建议一个更激进的做法，显示了他失望的事实，即是“没有迹象显示任何利益”为他的建议。 This “assessment” (marked “Addressee – eyes only”) revealed he was sent there with a purpose.这种“评估” （标示为“收件人-眼中只有” ）透露，他被送往有一个目的。

“As at time of writing this report there would appear to be NO sign of any action taking place at the Paris Air show against any company including your own… The issue of doing something was raised three times. “由于在写这份报告的时候有没有出现的迹象，任何行动发生在巴黎航空展上对任何公司，包括你自己…的问题，做一些提高3倍。 To have pressed harder would have been impolitic from a security point of view.” [19 May 1997]有压力，加倍努力，将已impolitic从安全的角度来看， “ [ 1997年5月19日]
He knew he risked his cover by pushing the issue, but he kept trying.他知道，他冒死掩护他推的问题，但他不断尝试。 One can only guess the strategy behind this.人们只能猜测，这背后的战略。 It could have been a tactic to provoke police action at a picket line and thus disturb the peaceful character of the protest.它可能会被一种策略，挑衅警方的行动在纠察线，从而扰乱和平性质的抗议。 However, Adrian’s proposals had a disturbing influence on the ‘spadework’ of CAAT: people got irritated and vital coalition building, with organisations like Amnesty International, was thwarted due to an alleged lack of agreement on basic issues such as the character of direct action.不过，阿德里安的建议进行了令人不安的影响，对'了令人瞩目的' caat ：人民得到恼火和切身联盟的建设，与组织，如国际特赦组织，是挫败，由于被指控缺乏一致意见的基本问题，如性质的直接行动。 In that sense, Adrian was more than an infiltrator; we could call this the work of an agent provocateur.在这个意义上，艾德里安是一个多渗入;我们可以调用此工作的一剂provocateur 。

True Spy 真正的间谍

The most important informer working for Evelyn Le Chêne was Martin Hogbin, referred to as her ‘excellent source’.最重要的线人工作的伊夫林乐chêne是李柱铭霍格宾，被称为她的良好来源。 Hogbin was an active volunteer with CAAT from spring 1997 before joining the staff in November 2001.霍格宾是一个积极的义工与caat从1997年春季之前，参加人员在2001年11月。 He resigned and left early October 2003, as soon as the initial internal investigation implicated him as a suspect of spying.他辞职并离开了2003年10月初，尽快初步内部调查，受牵连，他是一个怀疑从事间谍活动。

Neither Hogbin nor Le Chêne co-operated to the investigations carried out by CAAT Steering Committee and the Information Commissioner.既不霍格宾也乐chêne合作的运作进行调查，由caat督导委员会及信息专员。 . 。
The Information Commissioner confirmed that Martin Hogbin was forwarding information by email to a company with links to Le Chêne.信息专员证实，李柱铭霍格宾是转发的信息，请将电子邮件发送到公司的链接乐chêne 。 Ironically, the Data Protection Act 1998 prevented the Information Commissioner from giving CAAT details of the company concerned.讽刺的是， 1998年数据保护法，阻止信息专员给予caat的详情，该公司关注。
Research by the CAAT Steering Committee comparing the spy files with events that Hogbin had taken part in, confirmed that he started his surveillance work soon after he became actively involved with CAAT as a volunteer in spring 1997.研究由caat督导委员会比较间谍档案事件霍格宾，曾参与，证实说，他开始了他的监察工作后不久，他成为积极参与与caat作为一个义工，在1997年春季。 A report on a trip to Farnborough attributed to Hogbin was dated 19 June that year.一份报告，访问farnborough归因于霍格宾是6月19日这一年。 It was dated one day after the event, and it was a long and detailed report.这是过时的一天在事件发生后，它是一个长期的和详细的报告。

Administering professional reports so soon in his activist career within CAAT implicates Hogbin was brought in as an infiltrator, as opposed to someone who was ‘turned’ cq persuaded to secretly pass on information.管理专业的报告，以便尽快在他的积极的职业生涯与caat牵涉霍格宾带来的是在作为一个渗入，因为有人反对谁是'变成'你的说服秘密传递的信息。 The Threat Response files cover the period between June 1995 and December 1997; no spy reports are available that document the period after that.威胁的回应文件，涵盖期间，于1995年6月和1997年12月;没有间谍报告都可以该文件之后的时期。 But since it was proven that he continued to forward emails until the exposure in the Sunday Times in September 2003, it can be assumed that he also filed his reports detailing CAAT activities until that date.但因为这是证明，他继续前进的电子邮件，直至暴露，在周日的时代在2003年9月，我们可以假设，他也提起他的报告，详细说明caat活动在该日期之前。 This leads to the tentative conclusion that Martin Hogbin was a spy from beginning to end.这导致了初步的结论是，李柱铭霍格宾是一个间谍从开始到结束。

The fact that he was one of the few paid staff campaigners meant that Hogbin had access to almost anything that past through the office.事实上，他是当今世界为数不多的受薪职员运动意味着霍格宾已访问几乎任何过去通过办公室。 This could be reports, plans, correspondence and other paperwork, but also address books, contact files, computers, diskettes and banking details.这可能是报告，计划，信件和其他文件，而且还地址簿，联络档案，电脑，软盘和开户银行详细资料。
As national campaigns and events co-coordinator Martin Hogbin was involved in much if not all campaigning against arms trade.作为全国性的运动和活动的合作协调员马丁霍格宾涉及了很多如果不是全部的竞选活动对军火贸易。 He was the main organiser of protests at BAe annual meetings. CAAT supporters bought token shares in BAE so that they could attend the annual meeting and publicly challenge directors on arms sales to repressive regimes.他是主要组织者的抗议在裴勇俊的年度会议。 caat的支持者购买凭证的股票在培 ，使他们能参加年度会议，并公开挑战董事对台军售镇压的政权。 He was involved in organising protests against BAe plants and arms fairs, his work varying from mobilising to the practical preparations, such as taking part in ‘recces’ to explore the terrain of action or organising the transport of fellow activists to demonstrations.他曾参与举办抗议培植物和武器展览会，他的工作不同，从动员到实际的准备，如参加在' recces '探讨地形的行动或举办运输研究员活动家示威活动。

Hogbin also was a key networker in the movement, both in the UK as on the European level.霍格宾亦是一个关键的网路在运动，无论是在英国对欧洲的水平。 He usually represented CAAT at the on meetings of the European Network Against Arms Trade and coordinated the mobilising against EuroSatory in the UK.他通常代表caat在对会议的欧洲网络对军火贸易和协调，动员反对eurosatory在英国。 (Many ENAAT meetings in 1997 and 1998 were attended by Adrian and Martin, both working for Evelyn Le Chêne) . （许多enaat会议在1997年和1998年参加了由Adrian和马丁，无论是工作的伊夫林乐chêne ） 。 Martin also played an important role in mobilising against the DSEi Arms Fair, considered the hugest anti militaristic event in the UK李柱铭也发挥了重要作用，在动员反对dsei武器公平，考虑hugest反军国主义的活动，在英国

At the CAAT office Hogbin was a well respected colleague and a very much liked member of the small staff.在caat办公室霍格宾是一个备受尊重的同事和一个十分喜欢的成员之一，为数不多的工作人员。 People thought they knew him well, including his family and children.人们认为他们知道他，包括他的家庭和子女。 Martin, in his fifties, seemed like an open and honest person, devoted to the cause.马丁，他在五十年代，好像一个公开和诚实的人，专门讨论的原因。 He made no secret of his past career at the South African arms manufacturer Denel; his apparent change of views only added to his credibility.他并没有秘密，他过去的职业生涯在南非武器制造商denel ;他明显变化的意见，不仅增加了他的公信力。
The fact that he was trusted not only complicated the investigations against him.事实上，他是值得信赖的不仅是复杂的调查，反对他。 Hogbin continued to come to anti-arms trade events since he left CAAT .霍格宾继续来反军火贸易活动，自他离开caat 。 The fact that the Privacy Commissioner linked him to Evelyn Le Chêne, didn’t stop people from other campaigns, both anti-arms trade and environmental from working with Martin Hogbin.事实上，私隐专员联系，他伊夫林乐chêne ，并没有阻止人们从其他运动，无论是反军火贸易和环保工作与李柱铭霍格宾。 In July 2005 he was reportedly still working for the Disarm DSEi campaign.在2005年7月，他据报仍在工作，为解除武装dsei运动。

Remaining questions 其余的问题

It is important that there is some understanding of the difficult and painful choices the CAAT Steering Committee has recently faced.这是非常重要的是有一定的了解，困难和痛苦的选择该caat督导委员会最近所面对的。 Hopefully there will be a time for further research.希望会有一个时间作进一步研究。 The opportunity to investigate a case from both sides does not arise very often.机会调查一宗由双方并不存在，很多时候。 There is a lot left to be learned as so many questions remain unanswered. CAAT has started procedures against one of the alleged spies, but what happened to the five (perhaps seven) others?有很多左的教训，因为这么多的问题仍然没有答案。 caat已开始的程序，对一所指称的间谍，但所发生的事情向五（也许七）其他？ Who else was identified?还有谁是确定的呢？ Did they play a minor role within the organisation, or have they left CAAT since?他们扮演一个小角色，组织，或有他们离开caat自？ Does that make it less important to find out where they have gone?这使它同样重要，以了解他们到何处了？ Or is it too difficult to trace them after all these years? ，抑或是太难以追查他们，毕竟这些年来？

It would surely be worth making a formal damage assessment and issuing a report that other groups could benefit from.它一定会值得一提的正式损害评估和发出的一份报告认为，其他团体可以受益。 How did CAAT deal with the internal frictions the exposure caused?如何caat处理内部摩擦接触造成的呢？ How much damage was done, or rather, how did they find the resilience to continue their work?有多大的损害是做了，或者更确切地说，他们是如何找到的应变能力，继续他们的工作？ These questions relate to security issues that many activist groups need to deal with.这些问题涉及到安全问题，许多活动家群体需要处理的问题。 How can openness be balanced against sensible caution?又如何能开放平衡合理的谨慎？ Do activist groups facing powerful and well-resourced opponents need to screen every volunteer and newcomer, and if so, how?这样做活动家群体所面临的强大的和资源充足的对手，需要屏幕上每一个志愿人员和新人，如果是的话，又如何呢？ How can activists avoid paralysis and live with the fact that they may be under surveillance?又如何能活动家避免瘫痪和生活的事实，即他们可能根据监视？

From what we have seen above, it is shocking to realise how much time, effort and resources British Aerospace invested in undermining CAAT .从我们所看到的上述情况，这是令人震惊的要实现多少时间，精力和资源英国航空航天公司投资在破坏caat 。 That so many people infiltrated this relatively small network suggests that BAe were very concerned by the potential consequences of CAAT’s activism.有这么多的人渗透这种相对较小的网络表明，裴勇俊都非常关注的潜在后果caat的积极性。
CAAT’s campaigning work signified a threat to BAe’s reputation. caat的竞选工作，标志着威胁到裴勇俊的声誉。 In addition, a successful campaign could mean the loss of large orders.此外，一个成功的运动可能意味着失去大订单。 Dick Evans, BAe’s then chief executive, received regular verbal briefings on the contents of Le Chêne’s reports from Mike McGinty, an ex-Royal Air Force officer who headed security, the Sunday Times was told.迪克商务部长埃文斯，裴当时的行政长官，定期收到口头简报会的内容，乐chêne的报告，由麦克麦金蒂，前英国皇家空军人员，谁为首的安全，周日倍获悉。 This tells us something about the importance of the intelligence material for BAe.这就告诉我们，一些重要的情报资料，为培。

Le Chêne also claimed to target other groups such as Earth First!乐chêne还声称，针对其他团体如地球第一！ and Reclaim the Streets.并回收街头。 The close connections and mixed membership of such groups meant she acquired information on Friends of the Earth, the Green Party, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the World Development Movement and animal rights charities, to name just a few.密切联系和混合的成员等团体的意思，她获得的资料，地球之友，绿色党，运动，为核裁军，世界发展运动和动物权利的慈善机构，仅举几例。 So, how close was the surveillance of these groups?因此，如何关闭被监视这些团体？ Le Chêne herself boasted a database of 148,900 “known names” of CND , trades unions, activists and environmentalists (and this was back in 1996!).乐chêne自己吹嘘的数据库148900 “已知的名字” 来电号码显示 ，行业工会，活动家和环保（这是早在1996年！ ） 。 The most relevant to BAe was a ‘hardcore grouping’ of about 200 on whom she developed full biographies and profiles including national insurance numbers and criminal records where possible.最相关的裴勇俊是一个'骨干分组'约200人的全面发展，她的传记和个人资料，包括国家保险号码和刑事纪录在可能的。 To what other parties did she offer this information?什么其他各方她提供这方面的资料？ And who accepted?和谁接受呢？

Road Protests 道抗议

CAAT was not the only group Treat Response spied upon. caat并不是唯一的治疗组的反应间谍。 The road protests against the Newbury Bypass for instance, receive more than average attention in the surveillance reports.道路抗议，反对纽伯里绕道举例来说，获得超过平均应注意的监察报告。 Important events are reported on in great detail, apparently to warn BAe against the danger of an involvement of the anti defence groups with the environmental movement.重要事件，据报道，就在十分详细，显然是要警告裴反对的危险，一参与反辩护团体与环保运动。

In the late 1990s the Newbury bypass became the focus of anti-roads groups when thousands occupied woodland were earmarked for destruction.在1990年代后期，该纽伯里绕道成为焦点，反道路团体时，数千名被占领的林地被指定用于销毁。 The 8_-mile bypass finally opened in 1998 after years of protests delayed completion.该8_ -英里绕道终于开在1998年经过多年的抗议延迟完成。 The total cost of the project was £74m, of which nearly a third, £24m, was spent on security.该项目的总费用是£ 74米，其中近三分之一，英镑二十四米，是用于安全。 Group 4 carried out work on behalf of the Highways Agency as well as construction companies such as Costain and Tarmac.第4组开展工作，对代表公路工程处，以及建设公司，如寇斯坦和停机坪。 This helped police many of Britain’s most controversial road-building projects.这有助于警方的许多英国的最具争议性的道路建设项目。

The Sunday Times heard tape-recorded conversations involving Le Chêne reveal that she regularly passed information from her network of agents to Group 4.该周日次听到录音的谈话涉及乐chêne透露，她经常通过信息网络从她的代理人，以第4组。 She said she had agents posted permanently at Newbury and passed on highly confidential personal information about protesters to the company.她说，她已代理商张贴永久在纽伯里，并通过对高度机密的个人信息，示威者给该公司。 These included accommodation addresses, vehicle registration details, National Insurance numbers, unemployment benefit details and income support information.这些措施包括住宿地址，车辆登记细节，国家保险号码，失业救济金的细节和收入支持信息。

The Spy Files reflect this work for Group 4.间谍档案反映了这方面的工作，为第4组。 The detailed reports show that advanced warnings about the road protesters’ plans had been forwarded to the police and the private security forces involved.详细的报告显示，先进的警告，道路，示威的计划已送交警方和私人保安部队参与。 Much to her frustration, Le Chêne’s information was not used in the most adequate way – or rather: the way she thought was best:很多她的挫折感，乐chêne的信息是没有用在最适当的方式-或者更确切地说：方式，她认为是最好的：

“The policing level was low for the amount of people present and the security guard reaction was insufficient. “治安水平比较低，为的数额人民当前和保安员的反应是不够的。 In fairness to the latter, it has to be said that there were not enough of them to reasonably expect control of the situation with even half the protesters present.为公平起见，关于后者，它必须说，有没有足够的他们有理由期望对局势的控制与连一半的示威者。 In addition the company concerned lacks a background of control to such groups and it showed.此外，该公司缺乏的背景下，以控制这类团体和它表明。 For protesters, this is an ideal double situation.为抗议，这是一种理想的双重情况。 On the police site it was evident that they tried to make up for the lack of numbers by the use of horses – environmentalists being animal lovers.对警察的网站，很明显他们试图以弥补缺乏号码使用的马匹-环保被动物爱好者。 But this showed as well and when the police, on the second occasion, charged the oncoming handslinked protesters, the horses naturally bumped them and this let to an increase in tension and the rest is history.”不过，这表明，以及和当警察，就第二次，收取handslinked迎面而来的示威者，马匹，自然遇到了他们，这让以增加在紧张和其余的是历史“ 。

The eviction of the protesters camp ended in an extremely violent confrontation with the police, now remembered as the Third Battle of Newbury (the first two took place in the 17th Century).驱逐示威者营地结束在一个极端暴力的对抗，联同警务处，现在记得，作为第三个战役纽伯里（首两个发生在十七世纪） 。 Had the authorities listened to Le Chêne’s advise, it wouldn’t have come that far – or so it seemed:当局已听取了乐chêne的意见，便不会来，远远-或因此似乎：

“The numbers expected and what they would be doing and how they would do it, was known well in time and notified. “这个数字预计是什么，他们会做，他们会如何做，是众所周知的，以及在时间和通知。 It was apparently a decision on the part of the Highways Authority on how to deal with the situation that led to the low manning of police and security guards, although we are of opinion that where security guards were concerned, it was more a case of penny-scrimping by cash-strapped Costain.”它显然是决定对部分公路管理局就如何处理的局面，导致低的人手，警察和保安员，虽然我们都认为，那里的保安而言，这是更是一个案件的竹篙- scrimping由现金拮据的寇斯坦“ 。

Le Chêne claimed she had at least two people infiltrated in the Newbury Bypass camp:乐chêne声称，她已至少有两个人渗透，在纽伯里绕道营：

“According to two sources at Newbury on Saturday – neither of whom knows the other – the incident that led to the arsons was the police rush with horses. “根据有两个来源，在纽伯里上周六-既不是人知悉其他-这一事件导致了纵火被警方急于与马匹。 This would not explain, however, the police discovery of petrol-can-type Molotovs although this latter can be made up fast anyway.”这不会解释，不过，警方发现汽油可以型molotovs虽然这后者可以作出快速无论如何“ 。

This last quote also reveals how easily Le Chêne assumed the discovered molotovs may just as well have been planted evidence.这个最后的报价也显示如何轻易乐chêne就任发现molotovs可能只是以及已种植的证据。

Why a report to BAe would include such a detailed coverage of police dealing with anti road protests is not entirely clear.为什么一份报告，裴勇俊将包括这样一个详细的覆盖面，警方处理反道的抗议并不完全清楚。 With anti-defence groups increasingly involved in the anti-road protest movement, Evelyn Le Chêne tried to promote herself and her knowledge of both movements.与反辩护团体越来越多地参与反道抗议运动，伊夫林乐chêne尝试以促进自己和她的知识都运动。 “Exactly who can be anyone’s guess who has a good knowledge of the background to both BAe’s problems and the anti-road protest movements.” “到底谁可以被任何人的猜测，谁具有良好的知识背景都裴勇俊的问题和反道的抗议运动” 。

Group 4 第4组

An unnamed Group 4 spokesman admitted buying information on protesters.未命名的第4组发言人承认，买资料，示威者。 He told the Sunday Times: “We’ve certainly been obtaining information about protests at our customers’ sites.他告诉星期日时报说： “我们已经肯定获得的资料，抗议在我们的顾客在网站上。 It is the sort of information that would be obtained in the pub about activities that may affect our customers; people or property”, he said.这是这类资料将获得在酒吧里约的活动，可能会影响到我们的顾客;人或财产“ ，他说。 “We were getting information about where protesters would be and what times in advance. “我们获得的资料，示威者将是什么时代在前进。 We would have paid for that information.”我们会支付这方面的资料。 “

On the board of Threat Response from the very beginning, was Barrie Gane, who also worked for Group 4, Britain’s largest security firm whose clients range from the prison service to the royal family and the government, and advertises its ability to guard its customers against espionage, sabotage and subversion.对董事会的威胁的反应从一开始，巴里gane ，谁也工作了4组，英国最大的保安公司，其客户范围从监狱服务，王室和政府，和宣扬它有能力防范其客户对间谍，破坏和颠覆。 . 。 Barrie Gane is a former deputy head of MI6, tipped to succeed Sir Collin McColl.巴里gane是前副组长，军情6处，打破成功的主席先生科林mccoll 。 However, he decided to leave the Service on early retirement after a rationalisation in 1993, and open up his knowledge and network for privatised intelligence companies.不过，他决定离开服务就提前退休后，重整于1993年，并打开了他的知识和网络情报公司的私有化。 Corporate Watch called Barrie Gane one of the most important former intelligence men now working for the private branch of the business.企业观赏所谓的巴里gane其中最重要的前情报的男子，现在的工作，为私营分行的业务。 At the time The Times concluded the appointment of Mr. Gane signals an upgrading of its international operation.在当时的时代结束先生被任命为gane信号，提升其国际化经营。 “Mr Gane can bring the company knowledge of international terrorism, commercial espionage and risk assessment.” [3] “ gane可以把公司的认识，国际恐怖主义，商业间谍活动和风险评估。 ” [ 3 ]

Was Group 4 the only party involved in the Newbury Bypass buying information from Threat Response International?是第4组的唯一当事人，在纽伯里绕道买资料，从威胁的回应国际？ In her reports, Evelyn Le Chêne claimed the police was well informed about the numbers of activists and their plans, and that she had agents posted permanently in Newbury.在她的报告，伊夫林乐chêne声称，警方，以及了解有多少积极分子和他们的计划，和她有代理商张贴永久在纽伯里。
Many environmental campaigners long suspected they were the subject of spying operations.不少环保运动，只要怀疑他们的主题间谍行动。

The Highways Agency explained in the Sunday Times that the government had funded security operations around road-building sites but it was the responsibility of the contractors involved.公路工程处解释，在周日倍表示，政府已资助的保安行动，周围的道路建设用地，但它是有责任对涉及的承建商。 “Clearly we worked closely with the police and the contractors to ensure that this was carried out in a lawful way,” a spokesman told the paper in 2003. “显然，我们的工作与警方紧密合作，承建商，以确保这是进行在一个合法的方式， ”一发言人说，该文件在2003年。

The transport department working on orders from Treasury solicitors, spent more than £700,000 in the early 1990s employing the Southampton-based detective agency Bray’s to help them identify protesters.运输署工作的命令由库务律师，用了超过70.0万英镑在20世纪90年代初聘用南安普敦基于侦探机构布雷的，帮助他们找出示威者。 Private detectives were seen filming people and noting down public conversations. “Despite this, campaigners believed this type of surveillance alone could not account for some of the information contained in the dossiers issued by the department to support legal injunctions against them.”

In 2002, BBC Two reporter Peter Taylor made a series of documentaries called True Spies. In one of the issues he revealed how a hired spy stopped the Newbury protest. On TV, Sir Charles Pollard, then Chief Constable of Thames Valley Police, explained why Newbury was a line in the sand. The protesters could not be allowed to win once the government had approved the building of the bypass the previous year. “The ones who were planning and tried to carry out seriously illegal acts are very subversive in a sense of subversive to democracy,” he says. On the BBC website summarising the documentary, Peter Taylor also wrote: “Special Branch resorted to their usual methods of gaining information on the opposition’s plans. They recruited informers and paid them anything from £25 to larger sums of money – even up to £1,000 a week.

Such sums may seem breathtaking but they’re a drop in the ocean compared to the cost of policing such a protest. A piece of vital intelligence might, for example, save tens of thousands ds. Despite this, stalemate still loomed and costs were rising, Thames Valley took the unprecedented step of recruiting an agent outside normal procedures. They’d heard of a particular individual who worked for a private security company with unique skills and a perfect pedigree to infiltrate the protesters. The police normally keep such private security companies at arm’s length as they’re in the business of making money from intelligence they gain.

Despite these reservations, Thames Valley decided to bite the bullet and hire the agent. The Chief Constable gave the go-ahead for a contract to be drawn up with the individual and the security company for which he worked, calculating that the value of his intelligence would far outweigh the cost of hiring him.
With the contract agreed, the agent’s main task was to get as close as possible to the leaders and in particular to let his handlers know of the best time to take the main tunnel that was holding up the contractors’ operations.”

Whether the company involved in this particular infiltration operation was indeed Threat Response International proved next to impossible to verify.
Peter Taylor went through his old notebooks, and came back with three other companies involved in the road protests: “Reliance Security plus Brays and Pinkertons both of whom apparently ran their own agents.” A Freedom of Information request about the possible involvement of Evelyn Le Cheyne with Thames Valley Police came back negative. Nor was it possible to “trace or locate any specific records or documents to answer the question whether or not Thames Valley Police hired an agent to infiltrate the protest groups during the building of the Newbury bypass”. The chief constable who confirmed contracting the private agent on BBC television in 2002, Charles Pollard now claims he can’t remember any details. He is however not surprised no paper trail can be found: “Of course at the time it was a very closely-guarded secret….so secret in fact that the company was only referred to within the few people who knew about it under a codeword!”

Whatever happened to the Newbury agent? “His cover was so good and his information so accurate, that Special Branch then directed him to infiltrate the animal rights movement”, BBC‘s Peter Taylor wrote. This correlates with the interests Adrian voiced at the time. But then again, Adrian was interested in everything that involved radical activism.

Conclusion

This case, The Threat Response Spy Files, reveals the need for a new cartography to map the shifting grounds of so-called corporate intelligence, as the boundaries between government surveillance and corporate intelligence have become blurred. Once a group is seen to pose a serious threat to powerful commercial or political interests it is at risk of special operations orchestrated by its opponents, whether or not such assessments are factually based.

In the past state intelligent programmes have tried to undermine successful campaigns or destabilize activist groups. Now private or privatised spy shops can access the same tools, sometimes with the support of state intelligence agencies. Though their goals may differ depending on their clients’ needs, corporate and state intelligence agencies often use the same methods of surveillance. Wider exposure, discussion and awareness of such tactics are necessary if public interest groups and campaigners are to protect themselves and the causes to which they are committed. The Threat Response Files offer us a rare and important opportunity to open up this debate.

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