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Het Kamp van de detentie blijft, maar niet Zijn Reden

Zaterdag, 14 Juni, 2008

camp.jpgDoor WILLIAM GLABERSON | De Baai van Guantánamo het detentie centrum zal niet vandaag of om het even welke dag spoedig sluiten. Maar Opperst Hof' ontdeed de s- besluitDonderdag weg van het wettelijke gebouw voor het verre gevangeniskamp dat de ambtenaren zes jaar geleden in de overtuiging openden dat de Amerikaanse wet niet over de Caraïben aan een zeepost van Verenigde Staten in Cuba zou bereiken. „Zodanig dat er Guantánamo bestaat om gevangenen voorbij het bereik van de V.S. te houden. de hoven, dit blaast een gat in zijn reden om“ bovengenoemde Matthew Waxman, een vroegere ambtenaar van gevangenezaken bij de Afdeling van de Defensie te zijn.

En zonder dat, zal veel veranderen.

Het besluit verleend gevangenen het recht op uitdaging hun detentie in burgerlijke hoven betekenen, die dat de federale rechters nu de bevoegdheid zullen hebben om de eisen van de overheid te controleren die de 270 mensen nog daar hielden is gevaarlijke terroristen. Dat zal ambtenaren dwingen om vragen over bewijsmateriaal dat te beantwoorden zij lang ondanks internationale kritiek en uitdrukkingen van steun, van President Bush op, voor het sluiten van het kamp neer hebben doen afwijken.

Sommige gevallen, hoewel niemand zeker kan zijn hoeveel, waarschijnlijk voor het gerecht zullen voortvloeien orden die gevangenen bevrijden. De overheid zei Donderdag die zijn vervolgingen voor militaire commissies in Guantánamo, maar zouden voortzetten habeas corpus kostuums als gevolg van advocaten de van justices' besluit zijn zekere om de 19 lopend gevallen die van oorlogsmisdaden te compliceren, gevangenen' een geven voertuig proberen om die werkzaamheden tegen te houden.

Enkel zoals belangrijk, zullen sommige bovengenoemde advocaten, het verdedigen scores van gevallen een reusachtige last voor de overheid, most likely stijgende druk binnen het beleid van Bush om gevangenen terug naar hun geboorteland te sturen zijn.

Bijna 100 van de 270 gevangenen zijn Yemenis. De Amerikaanse ambtenaren hebben gezegd zij veel niet van hen wegens vrees hebben gerepatri�ërd dat zij snel worden vrijgegeven. De besluitDonderdag, verscheidene bovengenoemde advocaten, kon Amerikaanse ambtenaren aanmoedigen om hun kansen te nemen, die de bevolking krimpen door een derde of meer.

De advocaten van gevangenen hebben' lang beweerd dat de overheid niet de detentie van veel van de mensen zal kunnen rechtvaardigen. De ambtenaren van het pentagoon, enerzijds, hebben gehandhaafd dat het geclassificeerde bewijsmateriaal bepaalt dat veel van hen gevaarlijk zijn. The federal courts will now have the power to sort through those claims.

But the justices’ decision did not change some realities that have long made it easier to say that the Guantánamo detention center should be closed than to figure out how. Just last month Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates, who advocates closing the camp, told Congress that “we’re stuck” in Guantánamo.

One military official said Thursday that those complications remained as confounding after the ruling as they were before. The official, who was not authorized to discuss the court ruling and spoke on condition of anonymity, noted that practical difficulties had stalled plans for an alternative to Guantánamo. Among those is the question of where to put detainees whom the administration views as too dangerous to release.

Under the decision, it appears that the detainees will have the same rights to challenge their status whether they are at Guantánamo or at a military base or prison inside the United States. “If the detainees have constitutional habeas rights at Guantánamo,” the official said, “what incentive is there to go through the logistical, fiscal and legislative pain of bringing them to the U.S.?”

The 5-to-4 defeat for the administration’s detention policies was unqualified: a majority of the justices said the Constitution applied at Guantánamo.

“Liberty and security can be reconciled,” the majority opinion said.

But lawyers said many questions remained unanswered, including the breadth of the detainees’ protections.

The question of whether detainees have habeas rights has long been a central issue in the battle over Guantánamo. Scores of such cases had been in the courts before Congress sought to strip federal judges of the power to hear them. Habeas suits by virtually all the 270 detainees are now expected to commence or be revived, lawyers said.

Such cases give federal judges broad powers to review the government’s reasons for holding a prisoner. But once a judge is satisfied that there is a legitimate basis, a case can end quickly with a ruling in the government’s favor.

“Habeas is not a ‘get out of jail free’ card,” said Jonathan Hafetz, a detainees’ lawyer at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University. “It just provides a fair, legitimate and independent sorting process to determine who should and who should not be held.”

Mr. Bush on Thursday appeared to hold open the possibility of a new legislative effort to alter the decision’s result. But for the moment, the administration seemed tangled in a dilemma of its own making, left with a detention camp housing some admitted architects of terror, including the 2001 attacks on the United States, but with the idea evidently dead that the camp was beyond the reach of the courts.

In his testimony to Congress last month, Secretary Gates said the Pentagon had “a serious ‘not in my backyard’ problem” in finding a substitute for Guantánamo. He also listed other concerns that the administration says have kept it from coming up with a plan for closing the detention camp.

Among those, he said, is a Pentagon conclusion that some 8o detainees cannot be charged with war crimes, perhaps because the evidence is not strong enough, but are nonetheless considered too dangerous to release. About 80 other detainees are to be charged with war crimes, the Pentagon has said.

Some administration supporters argued that Thursday’s ruling provided unrealistic protections for men captured during war. Under such circumstances, the government cannot be expected to present orderly evidence justifying detention as it would in civilian cases, said David B. Rivkin, a lawyer who served in the Justice Department during the Reagan administration.

“The level of due process they require,” Mr. Rivkin said, “will be impossible to meet and therefore will result in the release of a substantial number of enemy combatants.”

Margot Williams contributed reporting.

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