Consciousness of Guilt: Genocide in Iraq?意识的罪恶感：种族灭绝在伊拉克？
Counterpunch 反击 | Despite the precipitous plunge in his popularity and growing criticism of his competency, character, and style, George W. Bush is not really that much different from other presidents with respect to his hegemonic ambitions or his proclivity to use force to achieve foreign policy objectives. |尽管仓促投身在他的民望和日益增长的批评，他的能力，品格和作风，布什是不是真的有很多不同于其他总统尊重他的霸权野心或其proclivity使用武力来实现外交政策目标。 Continuing historical patterns, President Bush and all presidents since World War II have committed horrendous crimes against humanity in order to protect and advance American interests under the guise of liberating people from under the jackboot of brutal dictators or communist subversives, bringing democracy to totalitarian states, improving the lives of those who are suffering and eradicating terrorism.持续的历史模式，布什总统和所有总统自第二次世界大战以来，已承诺可怕的危害人类罪，以保护和促进美国的利益的幌子下，解放人民，从下jackboot残暴的独裁者或共产党颠覆，使民主的极权国家，的生活得到改善，这些是谁的痛苦和铲除恐怖主义。
These are laudable goals reflecting prevailing shibboleths domestically.这些都是值得称道的目标，反映了当时的shibboleths国内。 These goals are an alluring mantle for the real paradigm governing foreign policy which is the pursuit of American interests with total indifference to the consequences to people victimized by American “ideals”.这些目标是一个诱人的衣钵，为真正的范式执政外交政策，这是追求美国的利益与总的冷漠后果的受害国人民，由美国的“理想” 。
The gaping discrepancy between the stated goals of American foreign policy and its praxis is best exemplified by the apogee of war crimes: genocide.这个巨大的差距，说明目标的美国外交政策及其实践是最好的例证远地点的战争罪行：种族灭绝罪。 In its pursuit of these lofty goals, the United States has committed genocide in Iraq.在其追求这些崇高的目标，美国已犯下种族灭绝罪在伊拉克。 Intervention resulting in genocide at the very minimum proves that American government’s professed motives for foreign policy decisions are altogether specious.干预，导致种族灭绝在非常的最低证明，美国政府的professed动机外交政策的决定是完全似是而非。
Rationalizations for the application of military force have been based on euphemistic doctrines which have no basis in American or international law.合理化应用的军事力量已委婉的基础上的理论是没有根据在美国的国内法或国际法。 George W. Bush’s doctrine of preemptive war was not new to foreign and defence policy strategists but can be traced back to Dean Acheson’s doctrine dismissing the applicability of international law to the United States as outlined in a speech to the American Society of International Law in 1963 in which he argued that:乔治W布什奇摩学说先发制人的战争不是新的外交和国防政策的战略家，但可以追溯到迪安艾奇逊的教义，开除的适用性的国际法律向美国概述在一次讲话中向美国社会国际法律于1963年，其中他认为：
The power, position and prestige of the US had been challenged [Cuban Missile Crisis] by another state and the law does not deal with such questions of ultimate power – power that comes close to the source of sovereignty.该权力观，地位和威望，美国已提出质疑[古巴导弹危机]由另一个国家和法律不处理这些问题的最终权力-权力接近的来源主权。 [1] [ 1 ]
In other words, national interests including meretricious threats to the sovereignty of the American State supersede international law despite the fact the United Nations Charter makes provisions for these exigencies.在其他换言之，国家利益包括meretricious威胁的主权，美国国家取代国际法的，尽管事实上联合国宪章作出了规定，这些紧急情况。
The growing appetite for the unilateral application of force resulted in the “humanitarian intervention” or “illegal but legitimate” doctrine during the Clinton and Bush presidencies.日益增长的胃口单方面的应用武力，导致在“人道主义干预”或“非法，但合法”的学说，在克林顿和布什总统。 This doctrine validated acts of preemption that justified the use of force whenever a threat was neither imminent nor substantial but necessary to defend the security interests of the United States against a perceived threat easily manufactured through the propaganda of fear.这一理论验证的行为，认为合理的先发制人使用武力的威胁时，既不是迫在眉睫，也没有实质性的，但要捍卫的安全利益，美国对一个知觉的威胁，很容易制造，通过宣传的恐惧。
Invading and occupying Iraq under the pretext of a preemptive war, a country already decimated by Dessert Storm, sanctions and no-fly-zones, represents the quintessential tragedy and hypocrisy of American foreign policy.入侵和占领伊拉克的借口下，先发制人的战争，一个国家已经遭受沙漠风暴，制裁和不飞区，代表着精华的悲剧和虚伪的美国外交政策。 To verify that the American Government is guilty of genocide in Iraq, I will establish a set of criteria based on the United Nations Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and apply them to Iraq.要验证美国政府是犯有种族灭绝罪，在伊拉克，我会建立一套标准的基础上的联合国公约，为防止及惩治灭绝种族罪并将其应用到伊拉克。
The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide sets out a number of criteria to evaluate whether or not a war crime attains the magnitude of genocide.联合国公约关于防止及惩治灭绝种族罪列出了多项准则，以评估是否或不是一个战争罪达到规模的种族灭绝。 These criteria are not without controversy but by examining the scholarly literature on the subject and the judgments of the International Criminal Court, I have established conservative standards to assess whether or not the American Government is responsible for genocide in Iraq.这些标准是不无争议，而是由研究学术文献就此事和判决的国际刑事法院，我已成立保守的标准，以评估是否有或没有美国政府是负责的种族灭绝在伊拉克。
According to the Convention:根据该公约：
Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, such as:灭绝种族罪是指有下列行为之一致力于意图摧毁，全部或部分，某一民族，族裔，种族或宗教群体，如：
a) Killing members of the group; a ）杀害该团体的成员;
b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm;二）造成严重身体或精神伤害;
c) Deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or part; c ）故意造成的生活条件计算带来毁灭其全部或部分;
d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; d ）强制施行办法，意图防止该团体内的生育;
e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. e ）强迫转移该团体的儿童至另一团体。
Although the phrase “in whole or in part” sounds ambiguous, its ambit has been restricted by judgments of the International Criminal Court.虽然“全部或部分”声音含糊不清，其范围已受到限制的判决，国际刑事法院。 According to the Rapporteur for the Preparatory Commission of the International Criminal Court, “The accused aimed to destroy a large part of the group in a particular area.”根据该报告员为筹备委员会的国际刑事法庭， “被告的目的是摧毁一个大型的一部分，该集团在某一地区” 。
The International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia concluded that “The killing of all members of a group within a small geographical area” was tantamount to genocide.国际刑事法院为前南斯拉夫的结论是， “杀害所有成员的一组在一个小的地理区域”等同于种族屠杀。
Notwithstanding the imprecision of these definitions of “part”, the area in Bosnia referred to in the ruling sets a baseline for future cases.尽管不精确这些定义的“部分” ，该地区在波斯尼亚提到，在执政党树立了一个基线为今后的案件。 The architect of the Convention, Raphael Lemkin, intended to define “in part” as a level of destruction sufficiently substantial to imperil the existence of the group.建筑师该公约，拉斐尔lemkin ，打算界定“部分”作为某种程度的破坏，足以大幅危害的存在，该集团。 Shedding even further light on this problem, the Convention itself considers attempted genocide to be punishable under the Convention implying that intent alone is sufficient to establish guilt.脱落，甚至进一步在这个问题上，公约本身认为种族灭绝企图以受到惩罚，根据该公约暗示的意图，单是足以确定有罪。
“Intent” is another term in need of clarification. “意图”是另一项长远的需要澄清的。 Apart from direct evidence through orders, statements, or coordinated acts, intention can be shown if “Acts of destruction that are not the specific goal but are predictable outcomes or by-products of a policy, which may have been avoided by a change in that policy.” [2]除了直接的证据，通过订单，报表，或协调的行为，意图可以证明，如果“破坏行为是没有具体目标，但可预见的结果，或按产品的政策，这可能已经避免改变在这政策“ 。 [ 2 ]
The Genocide Convention defines two basic levels of guilt: the direct commission of genocide and complicity to commit genocide.及惩治灭绝种族罪公约的定义，两个基本层次的内疚：直接委员会种族灭绝和共谋犯下种族灭绝罪。
Complicity in genocide must embody:在共谋种族灭绝必须体现：
Intentional participation;有意参与;
Knowledge of the genocidal intent of the perpetrators;知识的灭绝种族罪的犯罪意图的行为人;
Organizing, planning, supplying arms, training intelligence, or direct military support.组织，策划，提供武器，训练，情报，或直接的军事支持。
One example of direct American genocide, Iraq, has suffered massive destruction to its infrastructure, the economy and human life, particularly since the imposition of American sanctions in 1990 and the bombing in 1991.其中一个例子，美国的直接种族灭绝，伊拉克，遭受了大规模杀伤性其基础设施，经济和人类生活，特别是自实行制裁，美国在1990年和1991年的轰炸。 UN Resolution 661 mandated sanctions against Iraq originally to force Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait.联合国661号决议授权对伊拉克的制裁，迫使原本伊拉克撤出科威特。 The resolution was worded in such a way as to grant the United States a veto over which products could be traded with Iraq.该决议的措辞以这样一种方式给予美国否决哪些产品可以买卖与伊拉克。 The American government exploited that veto to severely punish the people of Iraq in the hope that they would overthrow Saddam Hussein themselves.美国政府认为，利用否决权严惩伊拉克人民的希望，他们将推翻萨达姆自己。
According to a 1993 UNICEF study, “What has become increasingly clear is that no significant movement toward food security can be achieved so long as the embargo remains in place.” [3]根据一项1993年儿童基金会的研究， “是什么，已成为日益明显的是，无显着性运动对粮食安全才能实现，只要禁运仍然在的地方” [ 3 ]
Declassified documents divulge the fact that the Americans were aware of and responsible for a humanitarian crisis caused by the sanctions.解密文件透露的事实，即美国人都知道和负责人道主义危机所造成的制裁。 A Defense Intelligence Agency report on January 18, 1991 concludes that:一，国防情报局的报告对1991年1月18日得出结论认为：
Failing to secure supplies [for Iraq] will result in a shortage of pure drinking water for much of the population.没有安全用品[伊拉克]将产生一种短缺的纯饮用水的大部分人口。 This could lead to increased incidences; if not epidemics of disease…Current public health problems are attributable to the reduction of normal preventative medicine, waste disposal, water purification and distribution electricity, and the decreased ability to control disease outbreaks.[4]这可能导致增加的发病率;如果不是流行的疾病…目前的公共健康问题的原因是减少正常的预防医学，废物处理，水净化和分配电力，和减少的能力，控制疾病暴发。 [ 4 ]
On January 15, 1991, B-52s were flying towards their targets in Iraq and cruise missiles were fired from ships in the Indian Ocean.对1991年1月15日的B - 52人，飞向他们的目标在伊拉克和巡航导弹发射了由船只在印度洋。 Iraqi defences were incapable of offering any resistance.伊拉克部队没有能力提供任何抵抗。
Restricting the bombing to only military targets was not part of the US war plan whereas targets included hospitals, electric utilities, schools, factories, water treatment plants, irrigation systems, food storage facilities and community health centres.限制的轰炸，只有军事目标并没有参与美国的战争计划，而目标包括医院，电力，学校，工厂，水处理厂，灌溉系统，食物储存设施和社区保健中心。 Over 200,000 people died, the majority of whom were civilians.超过二十万人死亡，其中大部分是平民。
In 2003, George Bush Junior inflicted further atrocities on the devastated people of Iraq and on a country virtually bombed back into pre-industrial times by another so-called war.在2003年，小布什造成了进一步的暴行对受灾的伊拉克人民和对一国的轰炸，几乎回到前工业时代的另一位以所谓的战争。 As of today, Iraq has suffered a further one million casualties and four million refugees.截至今天为止，伊拉克遭受了进一步百万的人员伤亡和400.0万难民。
Whether or not the administrations of Bush Senior, Clinton, and Bush Junior intended to commit genocide in Iraq is irrelevant because the consequences of the bombings and sanctions could have been predicted by any reasonable person.是否或不是行政部门的老布什，克林顿和小布什打算灭绝种族在伊拉克无关，因为后果的轰炸和制裁可能已经预言，任何有理智的人。 The actions of these administrations clearly resulted in mass killing, serious bodily and mental harm, and the infliction of conditions calculated to bring about Iraq’s physical destruction in whole or in part.的行动，这些行政部门清楚，导致大规模杀伤性，严重的身体和精神伤害，以及造成的条件计算，使伊拉克的物理销毁全部或部分。 Iraq is a clear-cut case of genocide.伊拉克是一个鲜明的案件种族灭绝。
The carnage resulting from this genocide clearly exposes the disparity between the professed principles of American foreign policy and its manifest practice.大屠杀所造成的种族灭绝，这清楚地暴露了差距professed的原则，美国外交政策及其实践的体现。 This hypocrisy betrays the indifference of American leaders to basic democratic principles and to respect for both domestic and international law.这暴露了虚伪的冷漠态度，美国领导人的基本民主原则和尊重双方的国内法和国际法。
David Model is a Professor of Political Science at Seneca College.朱模型是一个政治学教授塞尼卡学院。 He is the author of States of Darkness: US Complicity in Genocides Since 1945.他是作者的国家的黑暗：美国共谋在种族灭绝自1945年以来。 He can be reached at: david.model@senecac.on.ca他可以达成： david.model @ senecac.on.ca
Notes债券
[1] Acheson, D. (1968). [ 1 ]艾奇逊，四（ 1968年） 。 Dean Acheson’s remark is quoted in Louis Henkin: “How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy.” Columbia University Press.迪安艾奇逊的话是引述在路易亨金： “如何联合国的行为：法律和外交政策” 。哥伦比亚大学出版社。 P. 265-266.页265-266 。
[2] Gellately, R., and Kiernan, B. (Eds.). [ 2 ] gellately ， r. ，科尔南，乙（合编） 。 (2003). （ 2003年） 。 The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective.幽灵种族灭绝：大屠杀在历史的角度来看。 New York: Cambridge University Press.纽约：剑桥大学出版社。 P. 15.第15页。
[3] UNICEF Report. [ 3 ]儿童基金会的报告。 (1993). （ 1993年） 。 Children, War, and Sanctions.儿童，战争与制裁。 Cited in Ullrich, G. (1998) “The effects of Sanctions on the Civilian Community of Iraq.”引用的乌尔里希瞪羚（ 1998 ） “的影响，制裁对平民社会的伊拉克” 。
[4] Defense Intelligence Agency. [ 4 ]美国国防情报局。 (1991, January 8). （ 1991年1月8日） 。 Iraq Water Treatment Vulnerabilities.伊拉克水处理的脆弱性。
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