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布什升級與俄國的交鋒在佐治亞

星期二, 2008年8月12日

巴里灰色 | 在星期一在從白宮玫瑰園提供的一個誘惑聲明,喬治・ W.總統。 布什升級了交鋒在美國和俄國之間在當前戰鬥在佐治亞。

布什譴責了什麼他稱俄國的「劇烈和殘酷」軍事逐步升級并且要求莫斯科讚成一次直接停火和撤退它的隊伍從白種人國家它的邊界。 他指責了俄國計劃轟炸第比利斯機場并且充電莫斯科尋求推翻英王喬治一世至三世時期總統Mikheil Saakashvili的讚成美國政府。

布什在第比利斯重申了美國聲明關於支持政府的努力的英王喬治一世至三世時期主權和領土正直外交語言的inviolability重建對南Ossetia和Abkhazia脫離讚成俄國共和國的控制。

布什的評論被Dick Cheney副總統跟隨了聲明星期天,說俄國「侵略」不可能是未回答。 Cheney的干預在為對俄國干預的一個更加進取的美國反應推擠在佐治亞的布什政府內部建議了一個派別的存在。

聲明從白宮表達偽善的一個搖擺的水平。 當英王喬治一世至三世時期軍事力量在Tskhinvali的首都攻擊了南Ossetia最後星期四夜,不加區別地瞄準公寓團體與坦克大砲和灰漿,美國政府沒有發布抗議。 它估計英王喬治一世至三世時期侵略者殺害了2,000個平民,迄今佔浩大的大多數平民死亡的放血。

它是只有俄國軍事反應了英王喬治一世至三世時期攻擊以迅速和巨型的反攻,擊碎更小的英王喬治一世至三世時期力量,華盛頓成為了驚動了。

沒什麼遙遠地進步在Putin政權採取的軍事行動。 俄國支配的精華在高加索追求它自己的掠食性目標,被統治在二個世紀由莫斯科在蘇聯終止之前1991年的區域。

而且,戰爭的爆發在高加索強調蘇聯的溶解的悲劇結果。 它暴露了前蘇聯的大量,包括俄國和其他蘇聯共和國,在戰爭危險和主要帝國主義霸權的掠奪行為。 For the peoples of the former USSR, the answer is to be found not in the nationalist and militaristic policies of Putin, but rather in the internationalist program of socialist revolution.

Notwithstanding the reactionary aims of the Russian regime, no objective observer can contest the fact that Washington’s provocative policy toward Russia—aimed at supplanting Russia in its long-time spheres of influence—is the primary factor behind the eruption of war between Russia and Georgia.

The media has been virtually silent on the visit just one month ago of US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to Georgia. Rice held talks with Saakashvili and gave a press conference at which she denounced Russia, backed Saakashvili’s efforts to reassert Georgian control over South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and reiterated US support for Georgia’s incorporation into NATO.

Russia has made clear that it considers the entry of former Soviet republics such as Georgia and Ukraine into NATO an intolerable threat to its security. Were Georgia already a part of NATO, as Moscow is well aware, the alliance’s member states would be legally bound to intervene military in Georgia’s support.

It is inconceivable that Saakashvili did not review in detail with Rice his plans for a military assault on South Ossetia. Georgia—which is totally dependent on US military, diplomatic and financial support—could not take such a portentous action without informing Washington in advance and securing American sanction.

Preparations for the attack would have been far advanced when Rice met with Saakashvili a month ago. The Georgian military, moreover, is dominated from top to bottom by US military advisers.

The United States has been pouring military aid into Georgia ever since the US-led air war against Serbia in 1999, and the pace and scale of American military aid have accelerated since Washington engineered the so-called “Rose Revolution” that brought Harvard-educated Saakashvili to power in early 2004.

An article in Monday’s New York Times describes “a Pentagon effort to overhaul Georgia’s forces from bottom to top.” The article states: “At senior levels, the United States helped rewrite Georgian military doctrine and train its commanders and staff officers. At the squad level, American marines and soldiers trained Georgian soldiers in the fundamentals of battle.

“Georgia, meanwhile, began re-equipping its forces with Israeli and American firearms, reconnaissance drones, communications and battlefield management equipment, new convoys of vehicles and stockpiles of ammunition.”

As for the principle of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, the US is highly selective when it comes to its application. No one in either political party or in the establishment media has sought to explain why Serbia’s military intervention against Kosovan separatists was a war crime, while Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia was legitimate.

The Bush administration was the prime mover behind Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia last February, on grounds indistinguishable from those claimed by anti-Georgian separatists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Moreover, the US encouraged and financed the forces that sought to effect the secession of Chechnya from Russia in the 1990s.

Since the United States was clearly involved in the Georgian assault on South Ossetia, one must ask what were its intentions. It is difficult to believe that US policy makers believed Russia would take no action in response to such an immense provocation. Why then, would they support a move that would bring Russia into a direct conflict with one of Washington’s principal allies in the Caucasus—a region that constitutes a bridgehead between the resource-rich Caspian Basin and Western Europe and houses critical oil and gas pipelines?

The only plausible answer is that the United States is deliberately seeking a major escalation of tensions between Russia and the West. Even if the current conflict does not spiral immediately into a wider conflagration, the fate of “little Georgia” will be invoked by the United States to justify a far more aggressive and confrontational stance toward Russia.

The demands being raised by the Bush administration, the European Union, the United Nations and others for a return to the “status quo ante” in Georgia are drenched in hypocrisy. They all know very well that the US is not about to abandon what it has come to see as a critical prop to its position in the Caucasus and its long-term perspective of reducing Russia to a semi-colonial status.

The resumption of something akin to the Cold War underscores the real motives that underlay the decades of confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union. American imperialism considered the Soviet Union—and continues to view Russia—as an obstacle to its geo-strategic aim of securing hegemony over Eurasia.

There is undoubtedly a domestic political component to the US-backed provocation against Russia as well. The Bush administration and the Republican presidential candidate, John McCain, want the November elections to take place under conditions of immense international crisis. They calculate that an environment of fear and insecurity will strengthen McCain’s chances, since a major prop of his campaign is his supposed foreign policy experience and national security expertise.

Obama, predictably and pathetically, is responding by seeking to assert his own militaristic credentials. Within minutes of Bush’s threatening statement against Russia on Monday, Obama issued his own denunciation of Russia in terms almost identical to those of Bush and McCain.

The immensely dangerous implications of the eruption of war in the Caucasus leave no doubt about where the drive of imperialism to carve up the world is leading. US imperialism intends to let nothing stand in the way of its goal of establishing global hegemony. It is dragging the American working class and the world into a catastrophe.

The only force that can stop it is the revolutionary mobilization of the American and international working class.



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This entry was posted on Tuesday, August 12th, 2008 at 7:32 pm and is filed under War & Terrorism News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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