After Gitmo: The Government’s Responsibility後關塔那摩：政府的責任
By通過 Aziz Huq阿齊茲huq | After Gitmo: The American Government is Legally and Morally Responsible for Giving Innocent Prisoners a New Life in the US The US Supreme Court has yet to rule on the constitutional challenges filed by Guantánamo detainees to their six-year-plus imprisonments. |後關塔那摩：美國政府是在法律和道義上的責任，讓無辜囚犯的新生活在美國，美國最高法院尚未作出裁決對憲法的挑戰，提交的關塔那摩被拘留者，他們6年多監禁。 It may not do so until June.它可能不這樣做，直到6月。 Yet politicians already are lining up to ensure that, however the Court rules, a full remedy for the Bush Administration’s errors proves impossible.然而，政客們已經排隊，以確保，不過，法院規則，充分的補救措施，布什政府的錯誤，證明是不可能的。
Last month, Republican senator Sam Brownback of Kansas made a pre-emptive strike against any plan to move detainees to the United States.上個月，共和黨參議員薩姆布朗巴克堪薩斯州作出了先發製人打擊的任何計劃動議被拘留者到美國。 Responding to vague plans to transfer detainees to military facilities in Fort Leavenworth, in his home state, Brownback argued that logistical and technical barriers would make such detentions unfeasible.回應含糊，計劃轉移被拘留者的軍事設施在Fort leavenworth ，在他的家鄉，國家，布朗巴克認為，後勤和技術壁壘，將使這種拘留不可行的。
Brownback’s localism obscures more than it reveals.布朗巴克的地方掩蓋了以上的，它揭示了。 He assumes that the central problem of unwinding Guantánamo will be how to “store” the remaining detainees, whom he presumes to be too dangerous to be released.他假設說，中央的問題，出脫關塔那摩將是如何“商店”其餘被拘留，他假定是太危險了，以獲得釋放。 He is wrong.他是錯的。 The most pressing problem, one that will persist whatever the Supreme Court does, is the fate of detainees who have been seized in error — innocent men who now cannot be returned to their home countries due to the risk of torture.最緊迫的問題之一，這將堅持無論最高法院是否是被拘留者的命運，誰已檢獲的錯誤-無辜的男人誰現在不能返回自己的國家，由於風險的酷刑。
Brownback has things precisely backward.布朗巴克已的東西，正是落後。 Rather than worry about the hypothetically guilty at Guantánamo (for in fact no one there has been fairly convicted of any crime), the priority should be how to deal fairly with the innocent.而不是擔心該假設承認在關塔那摩（事實上，沒有人有相當定罪的任何罪行） ，應優先如何處理公平與無辜的。
The most fair and plausible solution for these detainees is resettlement within the United States, a solution only a handful of courageous Guantánamo lawyers have sought to date.最公平和合理的解決方案，這些被拘留者是安置在美國國內，解決辦法只有極少數勇敢的關塔那摩的律師已設法日期。 Yet the American public has yet to recognize this.然而，美國公眾尚未認識到這一點。
A recent report by the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights documents the cases of at least fifty Guantánamo detainees who are at high risk of torture if they are returned to their home countries.最近的一份報告，由總部設在紐約的憲法權利中心的文件，該案件至少有50關塔那摩被拘留者誰是高風險的酷刑，如果他們返回自己的國家。 However exposed such detainees were before, being repeatedly branded as dangerous terrorists by the Bush Administration has entrenched their at-risk status beyond repair.但暴露了這些被拘留前，被一再的品牌是危險的恐怖分子，布什政府已根深蒂固，他們處於危險的地位，無法修復。 Recent repatriations from Guantánamo to Tunisia and Russia have moved detainees to prisons with even worse conditions–and with less access to legal or humanitarian assistance–than they had at the Cuban base.最近，從關塔那摩遣返到突尼斯和俄羅斯提出的被拘留者到監獄與更壞的條件和較少獲得法律或人道主義援助，比他們在古巴的基地。
Indeed, the implausibility of safe repatriation in such circumstances is now so evident that even the conservative US Court of Appeals in Washington has held that courts can stay transfers to examine the risk of torture.事實上， implausibility安全遣返在這種情況下，現在是如此明顯，即使是保守的美國上訴法院在華盛頓舉行了法院可以留轉移到研究風險的酷刑。
To be sure, resettlement within the United States for any of the Guantánamo detainees is a political non-starter.可以肯定的是，安置在美國的任何關塔那摩被拘留者是一個政治的非精簡。 In a global context, moreover, it is but a small fraction of the larger failure of the United States to deal equitably with the human fallout from its national security policies.在全球範圍內，此外，也只不過是一小部分規模較大的失敗，美國處理公平與人權的微塵，其國家安全政策。 US responses to the Iraqi refugee crisis in Jordan and Syria have been far from adequate.美國的反應，向伊拉克難民危機在約旦和敘利亞已遠遠不夠。 Nor has the United States honored the loyalty of Iraqis who worked with diplomats and the military in the post-invasion period.也沒有美國榮幸的忠誠的伊拉克人誰與外交官和軍方在後入侵期間。
Yet as all of the presidential candidates have recognized, Guantánamo imposes tremendous, perhaps unique, reputational drag on the United States’s public campaigns against terrorism, and some resolution must be found.然而，正如所有的總統候選人都承認，關塔那摩施加了巨大的，也許獨特性，聲譽拖延下去，美國的公眾運動，打擊恐怖主義，和一些決議，必須找到。
Rather than honestly dealing with the problems thrown up by the Bush Administration’s erroneous detention decisions, the Administration and its supporters are now moving to use Guantánamo as an election-year wedge issue by advocating new “solutions” for the detainees.而不是誠實的處理問題，拋出由布什政府的這一錯誤拘留的決定，政府當局及其支持者現在正使用關塔那摩作為一個大選年的楔形的問題，提倡新的“解決方案”為被拘留者。 A preventive detention statute is high on the agenda. 1預防性拘留規約是高載於議程內。
Such innovations — echoes of past “solutions” for problem populations — would merely momentarily dislodge Guantánamo from the public eye.這種創新-呼應過去的“解決方案”為人口問題-只是暫時趕走關塔那摩從公眾視線。 They would do nothing to solve the pressing concern of innocent detainees whom the United States refuses to release.他們將什麼也不做，以解決迫切的關注，無辜的被拘留者，其中美國拒絕釋放。 But it is a measure of the Bush Administration’s success in shifting the terms of debate that internment akin to that used against the Japanese-Americans in World War II or against Catholics in 1970s Northern Ireland is now being touted as a compromise solution.但它是一個措施，布什政府的成功，在轉移的條款，辯論拘留類似表示，用來對付日本的美國人在第二次世界大戰中支持或反對的天主教徒在20世紀70年代，北愛爾蘭，現正吹捧為一種折衷的解決辦法。
Nor can Guantánamo be resolved by dispersing detainees to incarcerations in new and distant prisons.也不能關塔那摩解決分散拘留監禁在新的和遙遠的監獄。 Since the United States has failed to hold its allies in Pakistan, Egypt and Syria to even minimal standards of decency, despite the influence foreign aid and military cooperation bring, we have forfeited the right to absolve ourselves of responsibility for what those countries do.由於美國未能舉行及其盟國在巴基斯坦，埃及和敘利亞，甚至最起碼的標準的禮儀，儘管影響，外國援助和軍事合作帶來的，我們已喪失的權利，開脫自己的責任是什麼，這些國家這樣做。 To claim that detainees can be returned to those countries in good conscience is risible.聲稱被拘留者可以返回向這些國家提供良好的良心是risible 。
In all events, the Administration has forfeited any credibility when it comes to dealing equitably and securely with detainees.在所有的事件，當局已沒收任何的公信力，當談到處理公平和安全與被拘留者。 Its lead should be ignored.其導致應該被忽略。 Resolving the farrago of prideful stupidities that lead to Guantanámo means accepting that the United States has imprisoned and abused innocent men for years–and accepting this not just as an intellectual matter but also as a matter of practical morality.解決farrago的prideful stupidities導致guantanámo意味著接受，認為美國已被囚禁和虐待無辜的男人為年和接受，這不只是作為一個知識分子的事，但也理所當然地的實際道德。
Resettlement within the United States for Guantánamo detainees who were improperly detained, who the military wants to release, and who cannot be sent to their home country due to the risk of torture, should not be an impossible sell.安置在美國關塔那摩被拘留者誰不當拘留，是誰的軍事要釋放，以及誰不能發送到他們的母國，由於風險的酷刑，不應該成為不可能出售。 In one case recently argued in Washington, attorneys for Chinese Uigher detainees pressed a compelling argument for that remedy.在一個案例中辯稱，最近在華盛頓，律師，為中國uigher被拘留者按下一個令人信服的論據，認為，補救的辦法。 Whether or not they succeed in the courts, the Uighers’ case should prevail as a matter of public policy.不管他們是否成功地在法庭上， uighers案件應以何者為準作為一個公共政策問題。
For even conservative politicians increasingly understand the need to redeem those society has cast out into jails.即使保守的政治家越來越認識到需要贖回這些社會投下了到監獄。 The Second Chance Act, which strengths post-incarceration rehabilitation programs, has many conservative supporters, including the good Senator from Kansas.第二次機會的行為，其中的優勢後監禁的康復計劃，有許多保守的支持者，包括良好的參議員，來自堪薩斯州。 But if empathy can extend to those convicted and sentenced, why should be it withheld from those who have never been convicted, except in a court of public opinion jerry-rigged by the prosecutors?但如果同理心可以擴大到那些定罪及判刑，為何要隱瞞它從那些誰從來沒有被定罪，除了在法庭上輿論傑里-操縱由檢察官？
To do otherwise would be somewhat like solving the problem of wrongful convictions by re-sentencing defendants to death.這樣做，否則會有點像解決問題的不法行為被法庭定罪的重新判刑的被告死刑。
The election year will bring many proposals to “fix” Guantánamo involving preventive detention or national security courts.選舉年將帶來很多的建議， “修正”關塔那摩涉及預防性拘留或國家安全法院。 None of these ideas addresses the stain the prison has left on America’s reputation.沒有這些想法解決了染色監獄留下了對美國的聲譽。 None provides any hope to the wrongly imprisoned.沒有提供任何希望向錯誤監禁。 None yields a real solution.沒有產生一個真正解決問題。 A meaningful response accepts responsibility for the shattered lives and stolen years of wrongful imprisonment in the hands of the United States, a responsibility that can be plausibly met only by treating detainees the same way as other refugees who have no safe port of call — by opening prison doors to new lives in America.一個有意義的回應，接受責任，為破壞的生活和被盜多年的不法行為的監禁，在美國手中，一種責任，可以振振有詞地會見了只有處理被拘留者相同的方式作為其他難民誰沒有安全的港口呼籲-開放監獄大門的新生活在美國。
Aziz Huq directs the liberty and national security project at New York University’s Brennan Center for Justice.阿齊茲huq指示自由和國家安全的項目，在紐約大學布倫南司法中心。 He is co-author of Unchecked and Unbalanced: Presidential Power in a Time of Terror (New Press, 2007)他的共同作者中未檢查的不平衡：在總統權力的時候，恐怖（新出版社， 2007 ）
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Posted: May 22nd, 2008 at 9:27 pm | 發布時間： 2008年5月22日在下午9點27分| Link to this 鏈接到本
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Perhaps neither your readers or the rinf.com are aware that the US Government held German Americans in internment in the United States long after war in Europe and in the Pacific had ended.也許既不是您的讀者，或rinf.com都知道，美國政府舉行的德國美國人在拘留在美國的長期戰爭後，在歐洲和太平洋已經結束。 They remained locked up as late as August 1948…the war in Europe ending in May of 1945 and in the Pacific in September of the same year.他們仍然關起來遲1948年8月…戰爭在歐洲結束在5月和1945年在太平洋地區，在同年九月。
Charges were never brought against these internees!收費從來沒有提起這些internees ！