Roots of surveillance standoff go back decades基層監察對峙回去幾十年
By Shane Harris | In the old days, everyone was linked to a lug nut, and Jim Kallstrom liked it that way.由謝恩哈里斯|在舊天，每個人都聯繫到一個吊耳螺帽，和吉姆卡爾斯特羅姆喜歡這樣說。 It was 1985, a simpler time for a cop like Kallstrom, who was in charge of setting telephone wiretaps on suspected drug dealers and mobsters for the FBI’s New York City field office.這是1985年，一個較簡單的時間為1締約方會議一樣，卡爾斯特羅姆，是誰在負責設置電話竊聽對涉嫌毒品交易商和mobsters為美國聯邦調查局的新紐約市的外地辦事處。
In New York, Kallstrom’s cases were often won on the basis of incriminating evidence surreptitiously snatched from the mouths of criminal defendants through their phone lines.在紐約，卡爾斯特羅姆的案件往往韓元的基礎上罪證暗中搶去口刑事被告通過他們的電話線。
With a mere 203,000 Americans using mobile phones, people were still tied to the ground, and that gave Kallstrom’s world a certain comforting order.與僅20.3萬美國人使用手提電話，人們仍綁到地面，給了卡爾斯特羅姆的世界某一個令人欣慰的秩序。
On any given day, he could stand on a street corner in Manhattan, gaze up at an apartment building with its neat rows and columns of units stacked atop each other, and know that inside each one there was a telephone, tethered by thin copper wire to a single point, sometimes several miles away.在任何特定的一天，他可以的立場街頭在曼哈頓，目光在一公寓大樓與整齊的行和列的單位堆疊上蓋對方，並知道裡面每一個有一個電話，栓系由細銅線以單點，有時幾個英里之外。 In his mind’s eye, Kallstrom could have imagined shrinking himself to the size of an electron and traveling over the phone line, down to the bottom of the building, then shooting beneath the streets, until he ended up in the basement of the telephone company’s switching station.在他心中的眼睛，卡爾斯特羅姆所能想像的萎縮，把自己的大小電子和旅遊超過電話線，下降至底部的建設，然後射擊下方的街道上，直到他結束了在地下室電話公司的開關站。 There, the wire emerged, pegged to a rack by a single copper lug nut.在那裡，電線出現，掛一個機架由一個單一的銅吊耳螺帽。 Acres of racks lined the walls, each holding rows and columns of lug nuts and their wires, neatly stacked atop each other — the city of New York in analog miniature.英畝的衣架，襯裡的牆壁上，每個控股的行和列的吊耳堅果和他們的電線，整齊地堆放上蓋的對方-紐約市在模擬縮影。
With a warrant in hand, Kallstrom could tell the technicians at the phone office, with whom he had become friendly over the years, “Go up on RR326.” The tech would walk to the rack, find the wire, and clamp on a listening device.與手令在手，卡爾斯特羅姆可以告訴技術人員在電話辦公室，與他已成為友好多年來， “去了就rr326 ”的高科技將步行到機架上，找到鐵絲網，並鉗對聆聽設備。 Instantly, Kallstrom became an invisible interloper.即刻，卡爾斯特羅姆，成為一種無形的interloper 。
FBI agents and federal prosecutors depended on these legal wiretaps to penetrate drug cartels, incriminate money launderers, and spy on mob families.聯邦調查局特工和聯邦檢察官依賴於這些法律竊聽滲透毒品卡特爾，令洗錢，間諜對暴民的家庭。 And they needed to be absolutely certain that the line they were on belonged to the suspected dealer, or launderer, or capo named in the court-approved warrant.他們需要得到絕對肯定的路線，他們就屬於涉嫌經銷商，或洗黑錢，或投訴警察課的命名在法院批准的手令。 Not the guy in the apartment next door.不傢伙在公寓隔壁。 Not someone down the block.不是有人下來座。 This guy.這個傢伙。 This phone.這通電話。 RR326. rr326 。 Lest the agents violate a judge’s order, and perhaps land themselves in jail, this had to be the very same line that snaked back through the subterranean maze of Manhattan, through all those blocks of concrete caverns, back to that certain apartment building, up through the walls and out of the jack and into the phone that was in the hand and next to the mouth of Kallstrom’s target.否則，代理人違反一位法官的命令，或許土地本身在監獄裡，這已成為非常相同的路線， snaked回到通過地下迷宮的曼哈頓，通過所有這些區塊的具體溶洞，回到某些公寓大樓，透過牆壁和出於對插孔，並進入了電話，這是在手和旁邊的口，卡爾斯特羅姆的目標。 It was, by design and necessity, a neat, specific system.它是由設計和必要性，整潔，具體的制度。
And then it all went sideways.然後這一切到側身。
Kallstrom’s friends in the phone company put him on notice in 1985: Over the next few years, those racks and stacks of wires and lug nuts would be swept into the technological dustbin.卡爾斯特羅姆的朋友在電話公司把他通知在1985年：在未來幾年，這些衣架和一堆電線及吊耳螺帽將席捲到技術的垃圾桶。 The telephone network was going digital.電話網絡的數字去。 Technicians would no longer stand at a rack; they would sit at a keyboard.技術人員將不再站在一個機架;便坐在鍵盤。 In some parts of the country that had already made the change, phone calls were traveling as a stream of 1’s and 0’s.在部分國家已作出的改變，電話被作為一個旅遊流的1和0的。 Thousands of lines commingled in a single computer.數以千計的線commingled在一台計算機上。 When New York went digital, the phone techs told Kallstrom, they would no longer be able to tap him directly into RR326.當新的紐約到數碼，手機，科技告訴卡爾斯特羅姆，他們將不再能夠利用他直接進入rr326 。 In fact, they couldn’t even tell him for sure where RR326 resided in this new engineering matrix.事實上，他們甚至無法告訴他，肯定的地方rr326居住在這個新的工程矩陣。
At the same time that the phone companies were preparing for the transition to digital, the use of cellphones — which were inherently harder to tap because they used phone lines differently than analog devices — mushroomed.在同一時間內，該電話公司正準備向數碼電視的過渡，使用手機-這在本質上加倍努力，自來水，因為他們使用的電話線有不同的比模擬裝置-如雨後春筍般。 From 1985 to ‘86, the number of registered mobile-phone subscribers in the United States doubled to 500,000.從1985年至'86 ，有多少名註冊的移動電話用戶在美國的一倍，達到50.0萬。 Within two years after that, the number climbed to 1.6 million.後兩年內，人數攀升至160萬美元。 By the end of the decade, the cellphone universe had skyrocketed past 4 million.由八十年代末期，手機已暴漲宇宙的過去4000000 。
Organized crime was an early adopter of the mobile phone.有組織犯罪是最早採用了移動電話。 In a communications technique presaging that of Islamic terrorists today, members of the Colombian Cali drug cartel operating in New York would briefly use a phone, toss it, and get a new one.在一個通信技術presaging認為，伊斯蘭恐怖分子的今天，成員的哥倫比亞卡利販毒卡特爾的經營，在紐約將使用一個簡單的電話，折騰它，並得到一個新的1 。 To tap a mobile device, technicians had to install listening equipment on the new version of a lug nut — an “electronic port.” But in most switching stations in New York, there were only half a dozen or so ports available at any one time.利用移動設備，技術人員已安裝聽力設備，對新版本的吊耳螺帽-“電子口岸” ，但在大多數開關站，在紐約，有只有一半的十幾或使港口可在任何一個時間。 Federal prosecutors and agents had to stand in line at phone company offices and fight with each other over whose investigation should take priority.聯邦檢察官和代理商不得不立場一致，在電話公司，辦事處和爭取與對方超過其調查應採取的優先事項。 Some prosecutors threatened to haul company employees into court on contempt charges so they could explain to a judge why the phone company was unwilling to execute a wiretap order.一些檢察官揚言要撿獲的公司僱員在法庭上對收費的蔑視，使他們可以解釋，向法官為什麼電話公司不願意執行竊聽秩序。
Electronic surveillance, once such a dependable, relatively easy craft, was becoming inordinately difficult, Kallstrom thought.電子監視，一旦這樣一個可靠的，比較容易的工藝，已成為異常困難，卡爾斯特羅姆思想。 The phone companies, whose annual revenues from mobile subscriptions were cresting over $2 billion in the late 1980s, showed little willingness to make the FBI’s life easier.電話公司，其年收入從移動訂閱被cresting超過20億美元，在20世紀80年代末，不大願意作出聯邦調查局的生活變得更輕鬆。 As the 1990s approached, with the promise of more digitization and more mobility, Kallstrom called his bosses in Washington: “If we don’t do something, we’ll be out of the wiretapping business.”作為20世紀90年代的臨近，與承諾，更數字化和更多的流動性，所謂的卡爾斯特羅姆，他的老闆在華盛頓說： “如果我們不這樣做的東西，我們將走出竊聽業務” 。
A Battle Begins戰鬥開始
Kallstrom may have been the first to alert the FBI and the Justice Department to this new reality.卡爾斯特羅姆可能已被第一，以提醒美國聯邦調查局和司法部的這一新的現實。 The digital revolution generated a constant tension that exists to this day, a push and pull between the federal government in one camp and technology corporations and civil-liberties activists in the other to control the development of the global communications system, and so the balance of power in the Information Age.數字革命產生了恆張力存在的這一天，一個推拉之間的聯邦政府在一個難民營和技術公司和民間自由活動家，在其他控制的發展，全球通訊系統等的平衡權力在信息時代。
This struggle’s latest manifestation is the intensely politicized effort to rewrite the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.這場鬥爭的最新表現是激烈的政治努力，改寫外國情報監督法案。 At issue is nothing less than the government’s authority to broadly monitor communications networks to spot terrorists and other national security threats.問題是，不亞於政府的權威，以廣泛的監察通訊網絡，以現貨恐怖分子和其他國家安全的威脅。 The Bush administration finds itself across the battle lines from many of the same groups that more than a decade ago argued that the government was already extending its reach too far into personal conversations in the name of pursuing criminals.布什政府發現自己整個戰線由許多相同的團體， 10多年前認為，政府已延長其達到太遠，到個人的交談中的名稱，追求罪犯。
While FISA governs wiretapping for intelligence-gathering purposes, as distinct from law enforcement, surveillance in both worlds follows the same essential philosophy — the best evidence in a court of law or in an intelligence operation is one’s own words.而參賽指南，執政為竊聽情報蒐集目的，有別於執法，監視在這兩個世界如下相同的基本哲學-最佳證據在法庭上的法律或在一情報的運作是一個用自己的話。 Today’s dispute is not very different from the one that occurred during the dawn of digitization in the 1990s.今天的爭議是不是很不同，從一過程中出現的曙光數字化在20世紀90年代。 Indeed, both are part and parcel of the same long-running debate.事實上，雙方的重要組成部分，同時長時間運行的辯論。
No one should believe that real-time government surveillance of the communications network is an idea born of the 9/11 attacks or that it results solely from the Bush administration’s aggrandizing of executive power.任何人都不應認為，實時監控政府的通信網絡是一個想法誕生9 / 11的攻擊，或它的結果完全是由布什政府的aggrandizing的行政權力。 The legal arguments that the government has asserted to support increased surveillance of digital space were first put forth in 1994, under a Democratic president, and they had little to do with the threat of Islamic extremism.法律論點，認為政府已宣稱支持加強監察數碼空間首先提出在1994年，在一個民主先生，和他們幾乎沒有與威脅，伊斯蘭極端主義。
Nor should anyone mistake the roots of the vociferous opposition to today’s wiretapping from civil libertarians and privacy advocates.也不應任何錯誤的根源的大聲疾呼，反對今天的竊聽由公民自由和隱私倡導者。 Many of these groups and their allies have been battling to restrict the government’s use of new, potentially invasive technologies for a generation.許多這些團體和他們的盟友已戰，以限制政府的使用新的，潛在侵入性技術的一代。 The Bush White House is only their latest adversary, albeit the most formidable.白宮只是他們最新的對手，儘管最可怕的。 These activists and their allies in the business world have been motivated by different but mutually supportive goals: to extend constitutional safeguards to the digital realm, and to keep the government from suffocating technological development with burdensome surveillance laws.這些活躍分子和他們的盟友在商業世界已的動機不同，但相互支持的目標：擴大的憲法保障，以數字化的境界，並隨時向政府從令人窒息的科技發展與沉重的負擔監察的法律。 Some in those ranks would have liked, and indeed tried, to make the digital network a wiretap-free zone.一些在這些隊伍的希望，而事實上，審判，使數字網絡1竊聽自由貿易港區。
But despite the occasionally extreme positions and deeply held convictions of all of these players, the most important laws governing wiretapping, electronic surveillance, and privacy have been the product of negotiation, of people gathering in a room, sitting at a table, and talking — sometimes screaming — until they reached a settlement.但是，儘管偶爾極端的立場和根深蒂固的信念，所有這些球員，最重要的法律，竊聽，電子監視及隱私一直是談判的產物，人聚集在一個房間，坐在一張桌子，和所說的-有時尖叫-直到他們達成和解協議。 The current debate, however, is missing that crucial spirit.目前的辯論，不過，失踪的關鍵精神。 Whereas before, adversaries trusted each other enough at a basic level to make deals, however temporary, today’s opposing sides seem unwilling to compromise to pass new surveillance laws that the nation can live with.而之前，對手相互信任不夠，在基本水平，使交易，不過是暫時的，今天的對立雙方似乎不願作出妥協，通過新的法律，監察國家能夠生活。 It’s not entirely clear where or why minds turned so stubborn.它的不完全清楚的地方，或為何頭腦，把這麼頑固。 But to understand today’s political calcification, it helps to recall a simpler time.但要了解當今的政治鈣化，它有助於記得一個較簡單的時間。
The Art of Compromise該妥協的藝術
Jerry Berman was a veteran of the privacy wars, seemingly born for the role of liberal, dogmatic activist.傑里伯曼是一位資深的隱私權的戰爭，似乎出生的作用，自由，教條式的活動家。 In the early 1950s, his father, a labor leader, was investigated by the House Un-American Activities Committee.在五十年代初，他的父親，工黨領袖，被調查，由內務聯合國，美國活動委員會。 A native of Hawaii, the younger Berman moved with his family to California, where he enrolled at the University of California (Berkeley).土生土長的夏威夷，年輕伯爾曼提出與他的家人在加州，在那裡他就讀於加州大學（伯克利分校） 。 After earning his bachelor’s and master’s, and, in 1967, his law degree, Berman began lobbying for the American Civil Liberties Union.後入他的學士和碩士學位的，並在1967年，他的法律學位，伯曼開始遊說美國公民自由聯盟。 He became an authority on the intersection of national security and technology, schooled by the exposure of illegal FBI spying operations aimed at political organizations, war protesters, and leftist activists.他成了一個管理局就相交的國家安全和科技，教育的所暴露的非法聯邦調查局的間諜行動的目的是政治性組織，戰爭的示威者，左派分子。 In 1978, Berman helped to craft the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which set new restrictions on the government’s domestic intelligence-gathering.在1978年，伯曼幫助工藝外國情報監視法，設置新的限制，對政府的國內情報蒐集。 He was present at the creation of several important pieces of surveillance legislation, and he helped secure individual privacy protections.他是目前在建立的幾個重要件的監察立法，並幫助他安全個人隱私的保護。
In playing his role, Berman didn’t adhere to a hard-and-fast position but instead embraced his own brand of “principled pragmatism.” By his logic, the interests of privacy and national security were not incompatible.在發揮他的作用，伯曼沒有堅持以硬性的立場，而是擁抱自己的品牌“的原則務實” ，他的邏輯，利益的隱私和國家安全之間並不矛盾。 If all sides — government, industry, civil-liberties activists — could find ways to “maximize the good and minimize the harm,” as he liked to say, they could strike a satisfactory balance and create workable laws.如果各方-政府，工業界，民間自由活動-可以找到辦法，“最大限度地好，並盡量減少傷害，”他喜歡說，他們可以取得一個令人滿意的平衡和建立可行的法律。 This idea guided his work on FISA and other legislation, sometimes to the consternation of more-ideological activists who employed him to lobby Congress on their behalf.這個想法引導他的工作對參賽指南和其他法例，有時向驚愕更多的思想活動家誰僱用他遊說國會代表他們。
Perhaps that was because principled pragmatism recognized an unsavory reality: In Washington, those who show up to play the game make the rules.也許這是因為有原則的實用主義承認一unsavory的現實：在華盛頓，那些誰顯示出來玩遊戲，使規則。 Negotiation requires sacrifice.談判需要犧牲。 Sacrifice requires flexibility.犧牲，需要有靈活性。 Some people would rather break than bend.有些人寧願打破比彎曲。 But compromise is how things get done, and Berman accepted it.但妥協是如何得到的東西，這樣做，和伯爾曼接受它。 As a colleague summarized Berman’s general approach to lawmaking, “You can stand on your principle and get your ass handed to you, or you can engage in the process and get a better deal.”作為一個同事總結了伯爾曼的一般做法，以立法， “你可以在您的立場和原則，讓您的驢移交給您，或者您可以進行在這個過程中，並得到較好的處理” 。
In the summer of 1994, the FBI and the Justice Department made a bold play to force the telecom carriers to help them conduct legal wiretaps.在1994年夏，美國聯邦調查局和司法部作出了一個大膽的發揮，迫使電信運營商，以協助他們進行竊聽的法律。 They put forth a proposal that would require the companies to build their networks so that law enforcement agents serving a warrant could access them in real time.他們提出了建議，這將需要公司建立他們的網絡，使執法機關服務的手令可以接入他們在實時性。 The legality of wiretapping was not in question.合法性的竊聽是沒有問題的。 The government wanted legal assurance that it could tap, at any time, and that the industry had an obligation under law to comply with the government’s proper authority.政府通緝的法律保證，它可以挖掘，在任何時間，該行業已承擔的一項義務的法律要遵守政府的適當權力。
No more computer-related hassles, no more standing in line to plug into mobile-phone ports.沒有更多的與電腦有關的麻煩，沒有更多的常務委員會在線插入手機的港口。 Law enforcement agents, federal spymasters, and prosecutors wanted a comprehensive remedy to what they called the “digital telephony” problem.執法人員，聯邦spymasters ，和檢察官要進行全面的補救辦法是什麼，他們被稱為“數字電話”的問題。 Their chief advocates were Kallstrom and Louis Freeh, the recently appointed FBI director, a former special agent and federal prosecutor who had used wiretaps to secure convictions in some of the most complicated organized-crime investigations in history.他們的行政主張被卡爾斯特羅姆和路易freeh ，最近任命的聯邦調查局局長，一名前特工和聯邦檢察官誰曾使用竊聽，以確保被定罪的一些最複雜的有組織犯罪調查的歷史。 Freeh personally pushed for the new law, showing up unannounced in reluctant lawmakers’ offices to press them for support and even sitting in on committee markups — an unprecedented move for an FBI director — to stare members down. freeh親自推動新的法律，顯示了突擊不願意在國會議員的辦事處，以新聞為他們的支持，甚至在會議上委員會markups -一個前所未有的舉措，一個聯邦調查局局長-盯成員。
Clipper Chip快船芯片
The 1994 proposal was only the latest in a series of government efforts to strengthen its control of the telecommunications network. 1994年的建議，只是最近進行的一系列政府努力加強其控制的電信網絡。 In the late 1980s, Justice officials had gotten as far as placing language in an anti-crime bill that would have allowed the attorney general to set standards for telecommunications equipment, effectively making that federal official the network’s architect-in-chief.在20世紀80年代末，司法官員已得到據配售語言在一項反犯罪法案，將允許總檢察長設置標準，電信設備，有效地使聯邦官方網絡的建築師-在-行政。 (The bill did not pass.) （條例草案沒有通過。 ）
In 1993, Bill Clinton, in one of his first presidential directives, announced that engineers at the National Security Agency, the intelligence community’s electronic surveillance arm, had developed a cutting-edge microcircuit, called the “Clipper” chip, to scramble telephone conversations.在1993年，比爾克林頓，在他的第一次總統的指示，宣布工程師在國家安全局，情報界的電子監視手臂，制定了一個尖端的微電路，稱為“快船”芯片，爭奪電話交談。 The administration intended to promote the installation of the Clipper technology in US telephones, and planned to hold “in escrow” the digital keys to decrypt any conversation.政府當局打算以促進安裝快船技術在美國的電話，並計劃舉行“在代管”數字鍵來解密的任何談話。 In other words, the federal government would build the lock and keep the key, an idea that inspired a reaction somewhere between outrage and apoplexy among technologists and privacy advocates, who ultimately killed the idea.在其他的話，聯邦政府將建立和保持鎖的關鍵，一個想法，鼓舞的一種反應之間的某個憤慨和中風之間的科技和隱私倡導者，誰最終死亡的想法。
In that atmosphere of hostility and skepticism, Berman went to work.在這方面的氣氛中的敵對和懷疑，貝曼上班去了。 Beginning in August 1994, he convened a series of meetings with senior law enforcement officials under the auspices of a privacy and security coalition he had formed with more than four dozen activist groups and technology companies — including the biggest telecom provider of all, AT&T — plus the US Telephone Association, IBM, and software makers such as Microsoft.開始於1994年8月，他召開了一系列會議，與高級執法官員的主持下，一的隱私和安全聯盟，他已成立四個多十活動家團體及科技公司-包括最大的電信供應商所有， A T＆ T公司-加美國電話協會， IBM和軟件製造商，如Microsoft 。 The goal was to resolve differences over the government’s proposal to ensure federal access to telecommunications networks.目標是要解決分歧，超過政府的建議，以確保聯邦接入到電信網絡。 Berman also brought in two powerful Democratic lawmakers and noted civil libertarians, Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont and then-Rep.伯曼也帶來了在兩個強大的民主黨議員，並指出，公民自由，參議員帕特里克萊希佛蒙特州和當時的代表。 Don Edwards, whose district included California’s Silicon Valley.唐愛德華茲，其區包括加利福尼亞州的矽谷。 Everyone in the negotiating room had some familiarity with technology issues, and professional experience in law enforcement or Justice Department oversight.大家在談判的餘地了一些熟悉的技術問題，和專業經驗，在執法或司法部的監督。
The meetings featured intense, nitty-gritty debates over the technical aspects of the law.會議精選激烈， nitty - gritty的爭論，在技術方面的法律。 The FBI wanted guarantees that the telecom system would never mature beyond the reach of its wiretaps.美國聯邦調查局通緝的保證電信系統的成熟，絕不會超越達到其監聽。 Some companies saw this as heavy-handed regulation, and a number of telecom officials shared the activists’ belief that the government was in fact after a permanent covert backdoor into the phone system.一些公司認為這是沉重的霸道的規例，以及一些電信官員共同活動家'認為政府其實是在後一個永久的秘密後門進入的電話系統。 The negotiations helped to somewhat dampen the suspicions, however, and the talks went forward because no one in the room disagreed with the fundamental premise that the government had the right to wiretap.談判有助於打擊有點懷疑，不過，會談到未來，因為沒有人在房間內不同意的根本前提，即政府有權竊聽。
But outside of the meetings, divisions festered among the interest groups.但以外的會議，進行記名表決時festered之間的利益團體。 Berman represented the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which champions the public interest in the digital realm, but its board couldn’t decide whether compromise was prudent or perilous.伯曼為代表的電子疆域基金會，其中冠軍公眾利益，在數字化的境界，但其董事會不能決定是否妥協，為審慎起見，或危險的。 Berman felt he had to persuade his colleagues, in another series of heated meetings, to work in the middle.伯爾曼認為，他已說服他的同事們，在另一一系列激烈的會議，在工作中。 To him, that meant that the legislative negotiations would follow an inviolate principle: We will only craft solutions to known problems.他說，這意味著立法的談判將遵循一個不可侵犯的原則：我們將只船解決已知的問題。 No writing of laws aimed at encompassing future problems.沒有書面的法律的目的在於涵蓋未來的問題。 If the FBI has difficultly accessing the public telephone network, then the law will address only that public telephone network.如果聯邦調查局已經難存取公共電話網絡，然後依法處理，只是公共電話網絡。
In addition to identifying a philosophical guideline, this approach served a more strategic goal — to keep the FBI’s hands off the Internet, which was so new in 1994 as to be practically notional.此外，找出一個哲學的指引，這種做法的服務更具戰略性的目標-保持美國聯邦調查局的手離開互聯網，這是使新在1 994年，以切實的名義。 Internet service providers such as America Online and Prodigy had only a handful of subscribers, and the first Web browser had been released that year, in a beta test version.互聯網服務供應商如美國在線和神童過，只有少數用戶，和第一的Web瀏覽器已被釋放，這一年，在一個測試版本。 Still, Berman and others knew that the FBI would never willingly agree to stay off the information superhighway, because Internet-based information held tremendous potential value for law enforcement.還有， Berman和他人知道，美國聯邦調查局絕不會心甘情願地同意遠離信息高速公路，因為基於因特網的信息舉行了巨大的潛在價值為執法。
During one meeting, David Johnson, a lawyer who had helped to craft the Electronic Communications Privacy Act in 1986, held up a glass jar full of rocks and asked, “How many of you would say this jar is full?” Most people agreed that it was.在一次會議上，大衛約翰遜，一名律師誰幫助工藝電子通訊隱私法在1986年，舉行了一個玻璃罐子，充滿岩石和問： “有多少你會說這罐子是充分？ ”大多數人都一致認為，據。 Johnson took a fistful of pebbles and dropped them into the jar.約翰遜採取了fistful的卵石和下降到罐子。 They tinkled down through the rocks, finding resting places in the empty spaces.他們tinkled下來的岩石，找到休息的地方，在空白。 Then he poured sand into the jar.然後，他傾注了砂進入罐子。 As it cascaded into the empty spaces, Johnson told the onlookers that the sand was like the unseen, seemingly insignificant “transactional data” that traveled on the Internet.因為它級聯到空白，約翰遜告訴圍觀者說，沙子像無形的，看似微不足道的“交易數據”走過的互聯網上。 Transactional data includes the routing information for a text-based message — where it comes from, where it goes, and what path it follows — and the series of digits that make up an Internet address.交易數據，包括路由信息，為基於文本的消息-在哪裡它來自，這是不言而喻，它是什麼路徑如下-和一系列數字，使了一個In ternet地址。 This information would someday be of enormous value to the government, he said, just as phone call records, as opposed to actual conversations, already were.這方面的資料，將總有一天，會有巨大的價值，向政府，他說，正如電話的通話記錄，作為反對實際的談話，已經分別。 The transactional data were small but meaningful — like the tiny grains of sand that kept filling the volume of the jar.交易數據雖小，但有意義的-一樣，微小的顆粒砂一直在加油站量的罐子。
During one meeting, David Johnson, a lawyer who had helped to craft the Electronic Communications Privacy Act in 1986, held up a glass jar full of rocks and asked, “How many of you would say this jar is full?” Most people agreed that it was.在一次會議上，大衛約翰遜，一名律師誰幫助工藝電子通訊隱私法在1986年，舉行了一個玻璃罐子，充滿岩石和問： “有多少你會說這罐子是充分？ ”大多數人都一致認為，據。 Johnson took a fistful of pebbles and dropped them into the jar.約翰遜採取了fistful的卵石和下降到罐子。 They tinkled down through the rocks, finding resting places in the empty spaces.他們tinkled下來的岩石，找到休息的地方，在空白。 Then he poured sand into the jar.然後，他傾注了砂進入罐子。 As it cascaded into the empty spaces, Johnson told the onlookers that the sand was like the unseen, seemingly insignificant “transactional data” that traveled on the Internet.因為它級聯到空白，約翰遜告訴圍觀者說，沙子像無形的，看似微不足道的“交易數據”走過的互聯網上。 Transactional data includes the routing information for a text-based message — where it comes from, where it goes, and what path it follows — and the series of digits that make up an Internet address.交易數據，包括路由信息，為基於文本的消息-在哪裡它來自，這是不言而喻，它是什麼路徑如下-和一系列數字，使了一個In ternet地址。 This information would someday be of enormous value to the government, he said, just as phone call records, as opposed to actual conversations, already were.這方面的資料，將總有一天，會有巨大的價值，向政府，他說，正如電話的通話記錄，作為反對實際的談話，已經分別。 The transactional data were small but meaningful — like the tiny grains of sand that kept filling the volume of the jar.交易數據雖小，但有意義的-一樣，微小的顆粒砂一直在加油站量的罐子。
CALEA CALEA的
Johnson’s vivid illustration convinced many of the participants that the new law mustn’t extend too far.約翰遜的生動例證深信，許多與會者認為，新的法律絕不能延長太遠。 Again, the issue wasn’t whether law enforcement had a right to information but how much power the government should have over the means to get it.再次，問題不在於是否有執法權的資料，但有多大的權力，政府應該有超過手段獲取它。 Leahy and Edwards, who formally introduced the legislation shortly thereafter, declared that it would apply solely to the public telephone network.萊希和愛德華茲，誰正式提出立法此後不久宣布，它將僅適用於公共電話網絡。 The law specifically exempted “information services,” which the parties agreed included Internet companies and electronic-messaging technologies.該法特別豁免“信息服務” ，各方同意，包括互聯網公司和電子通訊技術。
The Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act passed in the closing days of the 103rd Congress, two weeks before Republicans won control of both chambers in November 1994.通訊協助執法法案通過的最後幾天第103國會，前兩個星期，共和黨贏得了控制參眾兩院在1994年11月。 CALEA would let the industry set its own standards to meet the Justice Department’s needs. CALEA的，將讓業界訂定本身的水平，以滿足美國司法部的需要。 The department could list its surveillance requirements, but the act let companies decide how to build their equipment.該署可以監視名單的要求，但該法讓公司決定如何建立他們的設備。 Justice won the right to petition the Federal Communications Commission if its officials felt that the companies weren’t fulfilling their obligations.司法韓元請願權的美國聯邦通訊委員會，如果其官員認為，該公司不履行其義務。 But civil-liberties groups also secured the right to challenge the government’s requirements in court.但民間自由團體也有擔保權的挑戰，政府的要求在法庭上。
It was a true compromise, hard won but workable.這是一個真正的妥協，來之不易，但可行的。 For Berman, principled pragmatism had carried the day.為伯曼，務實的原則進行了一天。 For others, however, the compromise had given away too much.對於另一些人，不過，已作出妥協，遠離太多。
The board of the Electronic Frontier Foundation had seen the proverbial legislative sausage being made and found it distasteful.董事會的電子疆域基金會看到了諺語立法香腸正在作出，並發現它distasteful 。 Even though the directors had agreed to every aspect of the law, which Berman explained to them, within weeks after its passage he left the EFF and formed his own outfit, the Center for Democracy and Technology, to continue his brand of lobbying.即使董事已同意的每一個方面的法律，貝曼，向他們解釋，在數週內通過後，他離開了作用，並形成自己的裝備，民主和技術中心，繼續他對品牌的遊說工作。 The EFF pulled up stakes in Washington the following year and moved to San Francisco, where it continues to play a leading role in supporting lawsuits against telecommunications companies — most notably AT&T, its former ally — for their role in assisting the government with warrantless wiretapping after the 9/11 attacks.該電子疆界基金會撤出了在華盛頓的利害關係，次年並移至舊金山，在那裡繼續發揮主導作用，在支持起訴的電訊公司-最顯著的A T＆ T公司，其前盟友-為他們發揮作用，協助政府與竊聽後， 9 / 11的攻擊。
At the time, Berman confided to Kallstrom, whom he thought had always acted in good faith for the FBI, “My work on CALEA got me fired.”在時間，伯爾曼confided ，以卡爾斯特羅姆，其中他認為一直秉誠行事，為美國聯邦調查局， “我的工作就CALEA的讓我開槍” 。
Kallstrom was apparently happy to see his more idealistic opponents leave town.卡爾斯特羅姆顯然是高興地看到，他更理想的對手，離開城市。 “You didn’t get fired, Jerry,” he replied. “你沒有得到發射，傑里， ”他回答。 “You got promoted.” “你有推動” 。
Making Demands決策的要求
Had the FBI and the Justice Department stopped there, had the government settled for secure access to phone networks, the history of Internet privacy and civil liberties might have turned out differently.曾聯邦調查局和司法部停止在那裡，政府當初為解決安全地進入電話網絡的，歷史的互聯網隱私和公民自由有可能變成不同的看法。 But just weeks after President Clinton signed CALEA in January 1995, conflict erupted between the government and the phone carriers over the kind of network access the law provided.但僅數週後，克林頓總統簽署CALEA的在1995年1月，衝突爆發政府與市民之間的電話運營商超過種網絡接入法律規定。 The raft of compromise that had carried the deal sprung a leak.竹排上的妥協進行過交易，湧現出一洩漏。
FBI officials knew in 1994 that they were making a mistake by leaving cyberspace out of CALEA.聯邦調查局官員知道，在1994年，他們作出了錯誤的離開網絡走出CALEA的。 They understood the Internet’s potential as a communications device and an intelligence tool — that is, after all, why CALEA’s authors exempted “information services.”他們了解互聯網的潛力，作為一種通訊工具，和情報的工具-也就是，畢竟，為什麼C ALEA的的作者豁免“信息服務” 。
“Did we know that it was idiotic to carve that out?” Kallstrom asks now. “我們知道，這是愚蠢的瓜分指出， ” ？卡爾斯特羅姆要求現在。 “Yes, we did.” Criminals have always been among the first to embrace new technology. “是的，我們沒有” 。犯罪分子一直位居第一擁抱新科技。 It was foolish to think that they wouldn’t turn to the Internet for any number of nefarious gambits.這是愚蠢的認為他們不會轉向互聯網任何數目的邪惡gambits 。 But, Kallstrom says, government officials opted “to fight another day” over Internet access.不過，卡爾斯特羅姆說，政府官員選擇了“爭取另一天”的互聯網接入。 Privacy advocates were dragging their feet in the negotiations.隱私倡導者被拖延了他們的腳在談判中。 Delay would invite more debate, probably more hearings, and possibly a less favorable outcome.毫不拖延地將邀請更多的辯論，可能更多的聽證會，可能是不太有利的結果。 The political decision was made: “Let’s take what we can get here.”政治上作出決定： “讓我們採取什麼我們能在這裡” 。
In early 1995, the Justice Department issued its list of requirements for wiretapping, known as the punch list. 1995年初，司法部發出其名單的要求，竊聽，被稱為力度名單。 Not surprisingly, many telecom executives and their attorneys viewed the demands as unreasonable.毫不奇怪，許多電信執行官和他們的律師認為，要求是不合理的。 Al Gidari, a lawyer representing the wireless industry, was among the first to see the FBI’s requirements, during the initial meeting to develop standards for CALEA, which was held that spring in Vancouver, British Columbia.基地gidari ，一名律師代表無線行業，是最先看到美國聯邦調查局的要求，在最初的會議，以制定標準為CALEA的，這是舉行春天在溫哥華，不列顛哥倫比亞省。 The Justice Department’s wish list, he said, amounted to “the Cadillac of wiretaps.”司法部的願望清單，他說，為“凱迪拉克竊聽” 。
“Everything they could ever think of to gold plate and put on the Cadillac was in that document,” Gidari recalls. “一切都可以想到的金板和提上了凱迪拉克是在該文件中， ” gidari回憶。 Meeting its expectations represented “an exponential increase in complexity, not a linear increase….會議的期望，代表“ 1的指數增長的複雜性，而不是一個線性增加… … 。 They were very dictatorial … technical requirements — the very thing that Congress said it wasn’t up to [the FBI] to figure out.”他們非常獨裁…的技術要求-非常的事情，國會表示，這是不以[聯邦調查局]搞清楚“ 。
The standards meeting was tense and awkward, and the sides were unevenly matched.標準會議是緊張和尷尬，以及雙方不平衡的匹配。 Gidari recalls a dozen or more FBI agents, in neat blue suits, all buttoned down and looking ready to roll over anyone who stood in their way. gidari回顧十或更多的聯邦調查局特工，在整潔的藍色西裝，所有鈕扣和期待準備推出超過任何人誰，站在他們的方式。 Arrayed on the opposite side of the table was a group of laid-back and casually dressed network engineers from all the major telecom equipment manufacturers and carriers that was tasked with the unenviable job of telling the bureau that the industry planned to build a much less complex system.陣列上的對立面，表是一組下崗回到和隨便穿著網絡工程師從所有主要的電信設備製造商和運營商的任務是與吃力不討好的工作，告訴主席團該行業計劃建立一個更複雜制度。 It wasn’t what the FBI agents wanted to hear.這不是什麼聯邦調查局特工想听的話。
Over the next few years, the Justice Department continued to seek increasingly sophisticated surveillance capabilities, including real-time geographical tracking of mobile phones; the ability to monitor all parties in a conference call regardless of whether they are on hold or participating; and “dialed digit extraction,” a record of any numbers that a subject under surveillance punched in during a call, such as a credit card or bank account number.在未來幾年中，美國司法部繼續尋求日益先進的監視能力，包括實時時間，地域的跟踪移動電話;能力，以監察所有各方在一個電話會議上不論他們是被擱置或參與;及“撥打數字的提取， “創紀錄的任何號碼的主題下，監察揮拳打在在通話中，如信用卡或銀行帳戶號碼。 The government got a lot of what it wanted, but not all.政府還有很多什麼希望，但不是全部。
To be sure, criminals’ use of new technologies helped drive the law enforcement demands.可以肯定的是，罪犯利用新技術推動了執法的要求。 But telecom carriers worried that the cost of compliance was too high and that the FBI’s technical requirements were illegally broad.但電信運營商擔心成本遵守過高，並認為美國聯邦調查局的技術要求被非法廣闊。 CALEA, they argued, had forbidden the government from requiring specific system designs or technologies. CALEA的，他們辯稱，已禁止政府從規定的具體制度設計或技術。
The FCC’s Turn FCC的轉
Justice, frustrated by its inability to get all the demands on the punch list, finally asked the FCC to step in. In 1997, the Cellular Telecommunications Industry Association, which then represented mobile carriers, and the Center for Democracy and Technology complained to the commission that the negotiations had deadlocked because of “unreasonable demands by law enforcement for more surveillance features than either CALEA or the wiretap laws allow.” The FCC, however, sided with the Justice Department on a host of requirements that privacy groups found overly broad.正義，失望，它無法讓所有的需求力度的名單，最後要求FCC的介入在1997年，蜂窩通信工業協會，然後為代表的移動運營商，以及民主和技術中心的投訴，委員會該談判已陷入僵局，因為“無理的要求，執法監察，為更多的功能比CALEA的或竊聽的法律允許” 。撲滅罪行委員會，不過，片面與司法部對東道國的要求，隱私保護組織發現，過於籠統。 The tussle dragged on for two more years and ended up in the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, which overruled the FCC.爭奪拖了兩年，結束了在美國上訴法院哥倫比亞地區電路，推翻了FCC的。 After the commission took up matters again, it granted some of the FBI’s requests, and the CALEA standards were amended.之後，該委員會接手的事宜再次，它給予一些美國聯邦調查局的要求，以及CALEA的標準修訂。
When Justice Department officials reported to Congress on CALEA implementation in January 1998, no manufacturer of telecom equipment said that the FBI’s demands were impossible to meet, but they did say that complying would be difficult and very expensive.當司法部官員報告向國會提交的CALEA的實施在1998年1月，沒有製造商，電信設備說，美國聯邦調查局的要求，不可能滿足，但他們說，遵守便很難和非常昂貴。 (Although Congress had set aside $500 million to reimburse companies for retrofitting their networks, the law required the carriers to bear the cost of compliance on any equipment put in place after CALEA was enacted. Several experts believe that the final cost for compliance on telephone networks has been two to eight times the amount originally allotted.) （雖然國會已撥出五億元，償還公司加裝他們的網絡，法律規定須有運營商要承擔的成本，遵守對任何設備落實到位後， CALEA的制定。幾位專家認為，最終成本為遵守對電話網絡已經7點58倍的數額本來分配） 。
The level of government surveillance was so low at that time that some questioned why the FBI wanted such multifaceted access at all.政府一級的監察是如此之低在這個時候，一些質疑，為何聯邦調查局通緝等多方面的訪問在所有。 In 1994, federal and state authorities were running 1,154 wiretaps nationwide, mostly for drug investigations, at an average cost of $50,000.在1994年，聯邦和州當局正在運行的1154年全國監聽，主要是為藥物的調查，平均成本$ 50000 。 The government was asking carriers to “design a nuclear rocket ship” for a rarely used tool, Gidari thought.政府要求運營商“設計一個核火箭船舶”一個很少使用的工具， gidari思想。 “In [the FBI’s] view, there was no limit to the expense the carrier should spare in order to save a life.” “在[美國聯邦調查局的]查看，有沒有限制，以犧牲承運人應在備件，為了拯救一個生命” 。
CALEA continued to evolve, shaped by the ongoing arguments over the terms of its birth. CALEA的不斷發展，形成目前爭論的條款，它的誕生。 Activists and carriers thought that the FBI was reneging on its bargain, asking for more than the law allowed.活動家和運營商認為，聯邦調查局背棄就其討價還價，要求多於法律不允許的。 The FBI believed that carriers were stalling when they failed to meet compliance deadlines.美國聯邦調查局認為，運營商被拖延時，他們未能滿足法規遵從的最後期限。 As all sides dug in, the meetings on implementation turned bitter.由於各方在挖，會議就實施拒絕的痛苦。 FBI and Justice officials slammed their hands on tables and screamed at carrier representatives, Gidari recalls.聯邦調查局和司法官員抨擊他們的手放在桌子和尖叫在承運人的代表， gidari回憶。 “You’re unpatriotic! “你不愛國！ What do you want to do, help the criminals?”你有什麼想做的事，幫助罪犯“ ？
The government asked those same questions after September 11, 2001.政府要求這些相同的問題後， 2001年9月11日。 And this time, telecommunications carriers responded.而這一次，電信運營商的回應。 Outside the normal FISA warrant process, which covers intelligence-gathering, carriers opened access to their networks, their customer call data, and their valuable transactional information — the kind that CALEA had intended to exclude.以外的正常參賽指南手令的過程，其中包括情報蒐集，運營商開放進入他們的網絡，他們的客戶呼叫數據，以及他們寶貴的交易信息-那種C ALEA的打算排除。 President Bush and his administration believed that the extraordinary nature of the terrorist attacks demanded emergency actions that FISA couldn’t accommodate, and the carriers answered the call from law enforcement and intelligence agencies.布什總統和他的政府當局相信，特殊性質的恐怖襲擊事件，要求採取緊急行動表示，參賽指南無法容納，和運營商響應號召，從執法和情報機構。 But government officials also seized on the post-9/11 mentality to change other surveillance laws and procedures, which they believed — just as their predecessors did in 1994 — were out of step with technology and reality.但政府官員也對檢獲9.11心態，改變其他監察的法律和程序，他們相信這些-正如他們的前輩曾在1 994年-走出一步用科技和現實。 About three years after 9/11, officials set their sights on rewriting CALEA.約三年後， 9 / 11 ，官員們確定了其著眼於重寫CALEA的。
Claiming the Internet聲稱互聯網
In August 2004, in response to a petition by the Justice Department, the FBI, and the Drug Enforcement Administration, the FCC expanded CALEA to cover Internet communications, including voice calls and instant messages.在2004年8月，在回應一份請願書是由司法部，聯邦調查局，緝毒當局， FCC的CALEA的擴大，以包括互聯網通訊，包括語音呼叫和即時訊息。 The Electronic Frontier Foundation sued, along with industry, civil-liberties, and academic groups.電子疆界基金會提起訴訟，隨著工業，民間的自由，和學術團體。 In 2005, the Court of Appeals ruled 2-1 to defer to the FCC’s reading of the law.在2005年，上訴法院的裁定， 2月1日推遲到FCC的讀法。
Many of those who had helped craft CALEA believed that the commission had misread the law and acted on a post-9/11 impulse to give the government more, not less, access to information.許多這些誰幫助工藝CALEA的認為，委員會已誤讀的法律和採取行動1 9.11的衝動讓政府更多，而不是更少，信息的獲取。 But to the FCC, new Internet technologies that operate a lot like telephones blurred the distinction between “information services” and the kinds of technology that CALEA was meant to cover.但向FCC ，新的互聯網技術，運作了很多像電話模糊區分“信息服務”和種技術， CALEA的用意是涵蓋的範圍。
After 9/11, law enforcement and intelligence agencies took a variety of measures, apart from wiretaps, to collect and mine potentially valuable information from the Internet.後9 / 11 ，執法機構和情報機構採取了多種措施，除了監聽，以蒐集和排雷具有潛在價值的信息從互聯網上。 With the cooperation of telecom companies, government accumulated lots of transactional data — including e-mail header information and lists of websites visited by targeted individuals — to support counter-terrorism operations.與合作的電信公司，政府積累了大量的交易數據-包括電子郵件的標題信息，並列出了網站的訪問有針對性的個人-支持反恐怖主義行動。 Viewed solely as a reaction to the terrorist attacks of 2001, this kind of collection might seem extraordinary.看僅僅作為反應的恐怖襲擊事件的2001年，這種收集可能似乎非同尋常。 But through the longer lens of history, the government’s steady march into cyberspace is not surprising.但透過鏡頭更長的歷史，政府的穩定進軍網絡空間並不令人驚訝。
Law enforcement agencies have never suffered for lack of access to the phone network.執法機構從來沒有遭受缺乏接觸到電話網絡。 Kallstrom recalls only a few instances in which agents were unable to execute a wiretap order because of new technology.卡爾斯特羅姆回憶，只有少數實例中，代理商無法執行竊聽秩序，因為新技術。 But as digital, mobile technology has proliferated, the copper lug nuts that Kallstrom remembers from the 1980s have disappeared.但由於數字化，移動計算技術的擴散，銅吊耳螺帽認為，卡爾斯特羅姆記得，從20世紀80年代已經消失。 Today, state and federal agents spend most of their tap time on mobile devices.今天，州和聯邦特工花費大部分的自來水時間在移動設備上。 In 1994, most wiretaps, by far, targeted private residences.在1994年，最竊聽，到目前為止，有針對性的私人住宅。 There were few taps on mobile devices.有幾個水龍頭在移動設備上。 Ten years later, 88 percent of the 1,710 wiretaps were on mobile devices.十年後， 88 ％的1710年被竊聽的移動設備上。 Only 5 percent were on residential lines.只有5 ％的人對住宅電話線。 Without CALEA, some experts believe that Kallstrom’s initial fears would have come true and the federal government would have been shut out of the wiretapping business.沒有CALEA的，一些專家認為，卡爾斯特羅姆的初步恐懼會成真和聯邦政府將已關閉的竊聽業務。
Jerry Berman never wanted that to happen.傑里伯曼從來不想這種情況發生。 Although he cannot accept that the law that was meant to minimize the government’s influence over the Internet is now being used to facilitate it, he is willing to negotiate on CALEA again, if that is what’s necessary to satisfy all parties.雖然他不能接受的，該法是指以盡量減少政府的影響力，隨著國際互聯網，是現在正在使用，以方便它，他願意進行談判， CALEA的再次指出，如果這是必要的，以滿足各方。
That willingness to talk extends to FISA, as well, and Berman’s Center for Democracy and Technology has been actively involved in the current agitations over the law.即願意談延伸到參賽指南，以及，以及伯爾曼的民主和技術中心一直積極參與在目前的agitations超過法律。 But whenever he and his cohorts have extended the hand of compromise to Congress or the administration, he says, they have been disappointed.但每當他和他的人群延長了的手，妥協，向國會或政府當局，他說，他們已經失望。 Any attempt to revamp FISA, or to clarify CALEA, “is impossible in the current climate,” Berman says. “There is no sense that you could get the kind of negotiation we got in 1994.”
FISA and CALEA
One has to wonder how strong that spirit of compromise really was in 1994, and whether it was already ebbing. If the FBI was willing to take what it could get on CALEA and go on to fight another day, did the government really “settle” at all? Literally weeks after CALEA was signed the Justice Department and the FBI came roaring back with new demands. What killed the penchant for negotiation? Was it the moderates’ loss of power in both political parties after the 1994 Republican revolution? Was it the entrenchment of civil-liberties activists? Was it the Bush White House’s extravagant interpretation of executive power? Was it 9/11?
Berman spends a lot of time pondering these questions and thinking about next moves. He divides his time between Washington, where he chairs his group’s board of directors, and a home he built on the Cacapon River near Berkeley Springs, W.Va. “We just have people in bunkers now,” Berman says ruefully.
The FISA debate is currently hung up on whether companies that assisted warrantless surveillance after 9/11 should have retroactive legal immunity for any laws they may have broken. CALEA has something to say about that, too. The law requires that carriers be able to deliver call identification information to the government remotely. According to Beryl Howell, Sen. Leahy’s lead CALEA staffer, that provision was meant to keep government agents from sitting in the phone companies’ offices to execute their wiretaps.
It is a basic tenet of wiretapping law, whether for intelligence or law enforcement, that the communications companies act as a buffer between their customers and the government, she says, and that telecom carriers must make their own determination whether official requests are, in fact, legal. That the companies would now assert, in defense of their cooperation, that the government determined that post-9/11 requests were legal, strikes Howell as outrageous.
If ever there was a time for the bare-knuckled negotiations of the past, it’s now. It’s not at all clear, though, who could play the role of Jerry Berman, the one to bring people into the room to scream and yell at each other and emerge feeling better for it — and possibly even coming to a compromise. As things stand, Congress appears more likely to punt the FISA debate to the new administration, and has shown little interest in revisiting CALEA.
The constant tension that once kept this system in balance has reached a breaking point. There is no push and pull. Maybe the stakes are too high for compromise. But until that spirit returns, Berman says, “there will be no peace.”
See More: Big Brother FBIHave Your Say: Roots of surveillance standoff go back decades
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