Roots of surveillance standoff go back decades基层监察对峙回去几十年
By Shane Harris | In the old days, everyone was linked to a lug nut, and Jim Kallstrom liked it that way.由谢恩哈里斯|在旧天，每个人都联系到一个吊耳螺帽，和吉姆卡尔斯特罗姆喜欢这样说。 It was 1985, a simpler time for a cop like Kallstrom, who was in charge of setting telephone wiretaps on suspected drug dealers and mobsters for the FBI’s New York City field office.这是1985年，一个较简单的时间为1缔约方会议一样，卡尔斯特罗姆，是谁在负责设置电话窃听对涉嫌毒品交易商和mobsters为美国联邦调查局的新纽约市的外地办事处。
In New York, Kallstrom’s cases were often won on the basis of incriminating evidence surreptitiously snatched from the mouths of criminal defendants through their phone lines.在纽约，卡尔斯特罗姆的案件往往韩元的基础上罪证暗中抢去口刑事被告通过他们的电话线。
With a mere 203,000 Americans using mobile phones, people were still tied to the ground, and that gave Kallstrom’s world a certain comforting order.与仅20.3万美国人使用手提电话，人们仍绑到地面，给了卡尔斯特罗姆的世界某一个令人欣慰的秩序。
On any given day, he could stand on a street corner in Manhattan, gaze up at an apartment building with its neat rows and columns of units stacked atop each other, and know that inside each one there was a telephone, tethered by thin copper wire to a single point, sometimes several miles away.在任何特定的一天，他可以的立场街头在曼哈顿，目光在一公寓大楼与整齐的行和列的单位堆叠上盖对方，并知道里面每一个有一个电话，栓系由细铜线以单点，有时几个英里之外。 In his mind’s eye, Kallstrom could have imagined shrinking himself to the size of an electron and traveling over the phone line, down to the bottom of the building, then shooting beneath the streets, until he ended up in the basement of the telephone company’s switching station.在他心中的眼睛，卡尔斯特罗姆所能想象的萎缩，把自己的大小电子和旅游超过电话线，下降至底部的建设，然后射击下方的街道上，直到他结束了在地下室电话公司的开关站。 There, the wire emerged, pegged to a rack by a single copper lug nut.在那里，电线出现，挂一个机架由一个单一的铜吊耳螺帽。 Acres of racks lined the walls, each holding rows and columns of lug nuts and their wires, neatly stacked atop each other — the city of New York in analog miniature.英亩的衣架，衬里的墙壁上，每个控股的行和列的吊耳坚果和他们的电线，整齐地堆放上盖的对方-纽约市在模拟缩影。
With a warrant in hand, Kallstrom could tell the technicians at the phone office, with whom he had become friendly over the years, “Go up on RR326.” The tech would walk to the rack, find the wire, and clamp on a listening device.与手令在手，卡尔斯特罗姆可以告诉技术人员在电话办公室，与他已成为友好多年来， “去了就rr326 ”的高科技将步行到机架上，找到铁丝网，并钳对聆听设备。 Instantly, Kallstrom became an invisible interloper.即刻，卡尔斯特罗姆，成为一种无形的interloper 。
FBI agents and federal prosecutors depended on these legal wiretaps to penetrate drug cartels, incriminate money launderers, and spy on mob families.联邦调查局特工和联邦检察官依赖于这些法律窃听渗透毒品卡特尔，令洗钱，间谍对暴民的家庭。 And they needed to be absolutely certain that the line they were on belonged to the suspected dealer, or launderer, or capo named in the court-approved warrant.他们需要得到绝对肯定的路线，他们就属于涉嫌经销商，或洗黑钱，或投诉警察课的命名在法院批准的手令。 Not the guy in the apartment next door.不家伙在公寓隔壁。 Not someone down the block.不是有人下来座。 This guy.这个家伙。 This phone.这通电话。 RR326. rr326 。 Lest the agents violate a judge’s order, and perhaps land themselves in jail, this had to be the very same line that snaked back through the subterranean maze of Manhattan, through all those blocks of concrete caverns, back to that certain apartment building, up through the walls and out of the jack and into the phone that was in the hand and next to the mouth of Kallstrom’s target.否则，代理人违反一位法官的命令，或许土地本身在监狱里，这已成为非常相同的路线， snaked回到通过地下迷宫的曼哈顿，通过所有这些区块的具体溶洞，回到某些公寓大楼，透过墙壁和出于对插孔，并进入了电话，这是在手和旁边的口，卡尔斯特罗姆的目标。 It was, by design and necessity, a neat, specific system.它是由设计和必要性，整洁，具体的制度。
And then it all went sideways.然后这一切到侧身。
Kallstrom’s friends in the phone company put him on notice in 1985: Over the next few years, those racks and stacks of wires and lug nuts would be swept into the technological dustbin.卡尔斯特罗姆的朋友在电话公司把他通知在1985年：在未来几年，这些衣架和一堆电线及吊耳螺帽将席卷到技术的垃圾桶。 The telephone network was going digital.电话网络的数字去。 Technicians would no longer stand at a rack; they would sit at a keyboard.技术人员将不再站在一个机架;便坐在键盘。 In some parts of the country that had already made the change, phone calls were traveling as a stream of 1’s and 0’s.在部分国家已作出的改变，电话被作为一个旅游流的1和0的。 Thousands of lines commingled in a single computer.数以千计的线commingled在一台计算机上。 When New York went digital, the phone techs told Kallstrom, they would no longer be able to tap him directly into RR326.当新的纽约到数码，手机，科技告诉卡尔斯特罗姆，他们将不再能够利用他直接进入rr326 。 In fact, they couldn’t even tell him for sure where RR326 resided in this new engineering matrix.事实上，他们甚至无法告诉他，肯定的地方rr326居住在这个新的工程矩阵。
At the same time that the phone companies were preparing for the transition to digital, the use of cellphones — which were inherently harder to tap because they used phone lines differently than analog devices — mushroomed.在同一时间内，该电话公司正准备向数码电视的过渡，使用手机-这在本质上加倍努力，自来水，因为他们使用的电话线有不同的比模拟装置-如雨后春笋般。 From 1985 to ‘86, the number of registered mobile-phone subscribers in the United States doubled to 500,000.从1985年至'86 ，有多少名注册的移动电话用户在美国的一倍，达到50.0万。 Within two years after that, the number climbed to 1.6 million.后两年内，人数攀升至160万美元。 By the end of the decade, the cellphone universe had skyrocketed past 4 million.由八十年代末期，手机已暴涨宇宙的过去4000000 。
Organized crime was an early adopter of the mobile phone.有组织犯罪是最早采用了移动电话。 In a communications technique presaging that of Islamic terrorists today, members of the Colombian Cali drug cartel operating in New York would briefly use a phone, toss it, and get a new one.在一个通信技术presaging认为，伊斯兰恐怖分子的今天，成员的哥伦比亚卡利贩毒卡特尔的经营，在纽约将使用一个简单的电话，折腾它，并得到一个新的1 。 To tap a mobile device, technicians had to install listening equipment on the new version of a lug nut — an “electronic port.” But in most switching stations in New York, there were only half a dozen or so ports available at any one time.利用移动设备，技术人员已安装听力设备，对新版本的吊耳螺帽-“电子口岸” ，但在大多数开关站，在纽约，有只有一半的十几或使港口可在任何一个时间。 Federal prosecutors and agents had to stand in line at phone company offices and fight with each other over whose investigation should take priority.联邦检察官和代理商不得不立场一致，在电话公司，办事处和争取与对方超过其调查应采取的优先事项。 Some prosecutors threatened to haul company employees into court on contempt charges so they could explain to a judge why the phone company was unwilling to execute a wiretap order.一些检察官扬言要捡获的公司雇员在法庭上对收费的蔑视，使他们可以解释，向法官为什么电话公司不愿意执行窃听秩序。
Electronic surveillance, once such a dependable, relatively easy craft, was becoming inordinately difficult, Kallstrom thought.电子监视，一旦这样一个可靠的，比较容易的工艺，已成为异常困难，卡尔斯特罗姆思想。 The phone companies, whose annual revenues from mobile subscriptions were cresting over $2 billion in the late 1980s, showed little willingness to make the FBI’s life easier.电话公司，其年收入从移动订阅被cresting超过20亿美元，在20世纪80年代末，不大愿意作出联邦调查局的生活变得更轻松。 As the 1990s approached, with the promise of more digitization and more mobility, Kallstrom called his bosses in Washington: “If we don’t do something, we’ll be out of the wiretapping business.”作为20世纪90年代的临近，与承诺，更数字化和更多的流动性，所谓的卡尔斯特罗姆，他的老板在华盛顿说： “如果我们不这样做的东西，我们将走出窃听业务” 。
A Battle Begins战斗开始
Kallstrom may have been the first to alert the FBI and the Justice Department to this new reality.卡尔斯特罗姆可能已被第一，以提醒美国联邦调查局和司法部的这一新的现实。 The digital revolution generated a constant tension that exists to this day, a push and pull between the federal government in one camp and technology corporations and civil-liberties activists in the other to control the development of the global communications system, and so the balance of power in the Information Age.数字革命产生了恒张力存在的这一天，一个推拉之间的联邦政府在一个难民营和技术公司和民间自由活动家，在其他控制的发展，全球通讯系统等的平衡权力在信息时代。
This struggle’s latest manifestation is the intensely politicized effort to rewrite the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.这场斗争的最新表现是激烈的政治努力，改写外国情报监督法案。 At issue is nothing less than the government’s authority to broadly monitor communications networks to spot terrorists and other national security threats.问题是，不亚于政府的权威，以广泛的监察通讯网络，以现货恐怖分子和其他国家安全的威胁。 The Bush administration finds itself across the battle lines from many of the same groups that more than a decade ago argued that the government was already extending its reach too far into personal conversations in the name of pursuing criminals.布什政府发现自己整个战线由许多相同的团体， 10多年前认为，政府已延长其达到太远，到个人的交谈中的名称，追求罪犯。
While FISA governs wiretapping for intelligence-gathering purposes, as distinct from law enforcement, surveillance in both worlds follows the same essential philosophy — the best evidence in a court of law or in an intelligence operation is one’s own words.而参赛指南，执政为窃听情报搜集目的，有别于执法，监视在这两个世界如下相同的基本哲学-最佳证据在法庭上的法律或在一情报的运作是一个用自己的话。 Today’s dispute is not very different from the one that occurred during the dawn of digitization in the 1990s.今天的争议是不是很不同，从一过程中出现的曙光数字化在20世纪90年代。 Indeed, both are part and parcel of the same long-running debate.事实上，双方的重要组成部分，同时长时间运行的辩论。
No one should believe that real-time government surveillance of the communications network is an idea born of the 9/11 attacks or that it results solely from the Bush administration’s aggrandizing of executive power.任何人都不应认为，实时监控政府的通信网络是一个想法诞生9 / 11的攻击，或它的结果完全是由布什政府的aggrandizing的行政权力。 The legal arguments that the government has asserted to support increased surveillance of digital space were first put forth in 1994, under a Democratic president, and they had little to do with the threat of Islamic extremism.法律论点，认为政府已宣称支持加强监察数码空间首先提出在1994年，在一个民主先生，和他们几乎没有与威胁，伊斯兰极端主义。
Nor should anyone mistake the roots of the vociferous opposition to today’s wiretapping from civil libertarians and privacy advocates.也不应任何错误的根源的大声疾呼，反对今天的窃听由公民自由和隐私倡导者。 Many of these groups and their allies have been battling to restrict the government’s use of new, potentially invasive technologies for a generation.许多这些团体和他们的盟友已战，以限制政府的使用新的，潜在侵入性技术的一代。 The Bush White House is only their latest adversary, albeit the most formidable.白宫只是他们最新的对手，尽管最可怕的。 These activists and their allies in the business world have been motivated by different but mutually supportive goals: to extend constitutional safeguards to the digital realm, and to keep the government from suffocating technological development with burdensome surveillance laws.这些活跃分子和他们的盟友在商业世界已的动机不同，但相互支持的目标：扩大的宪法保障，以数字化的境界，并随时向政府从令人窒息的科技发展与沉重的负担监察的法律。 Some in those ranks would have liked, and indeed tried, to make the digital network a wiretap-free zone.一些在这些队伍的希望，而事实上，审判，使数字网络1窃听自由贸易港区。
But despite the occasionally extreme positions and deeply held convictions of all of these players, the most important laws governing wiretapping, electronic surveillance, and privacy have been the product of negotiation, of people gathering in a room, sitting at a table, and talking — sometimes screaming — until they reached a settlement.但是，尽管偶尔极端的立场和根深蒂固的信念，所有这些球员，最重要的法律，窃听，电子监视及隐私一直是谈判的产物，人聚集在一个房间，坐在一张桌子，和所说的-有时尖叫-直到他们达成和解协议。 The current debate, however, is missing that crucial spirit.目前的辩论，不过，失踪的关键精神。 Whereas before, adversaries trusted each other enough at a basic level to make deals, however temporary, today’s opposing sides seem unwilling to compromise to pass new surveillance laws that the nation can live with.而之前，对手相互信任不够，在基本水平，使交易，不过是暂时的，今天的对立双方似乎不愿作出妥协，通过新的法律，监察国家能够生活。 It’s not entirely clear where or why minds turned so stubborn.它的不完全清楚的地方，或为何头脑，把这么顽固。 But to understand today’s political calcification, it helps to recall a simpler time.但要了解当今的政治钙化，它有助于记得一个较简单的时间。
The Art of Compromise该妥协的艺术
Jerry Berman was a veteran of the privacy wars, seemingly born for the role of liberal, dogmatic activist.杰里伯曼是一位资深的隐私权的战争，似乎出生的作用，自由，教条式的活动家。 In the early 1950s, his father, a labor leader, was investigated by the House Un-American Activities Committee.在五十年代初，他的父亲，工党领袖，被调查，由内务联合国，美国活动委员会。 A native of Hawaii, the younger Berman moved with his family to California, where he enrolled at the University of California (Berkeley).土生土长的夏威夷，年轻伯尔曼提出与他的家人在加州，在那里他就读于加州大学（伯克利分校） 。 After earning his bachelor’s and master’s, and, in 1967, his law degree, Berman began lobbying for the American Civil Liberties Union.后入他的学士和硕士学位的，并在1967年，他的法律学位，伯曼开始游说美国公民自由联盟。 He became an authority on the intersection of national security and technology, schooled by the exposure of illegal FBI spying operations aimed at political organizations, war protesters, and leftist activists.他成了一个管理局就相交的国家安全和科技，教育的所暴露的非法联邦调查局的间谍行动的目的是政治性组织，战争的示威者，左派分子。 In 1978, Berman helped to craft the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which set new restrictions on the government’s domestic intelligence-gathering.在1978年，伯曼帮助工艺外国情报监视法，设置新的限制，对政府的国内情报搜集。 He was present at the creation of several important pieces of surveillance legislation, and he helped secure individual privacy protections.他是目前在建立的几个重要件的监察立法，并帮助他安全个人隐私的保护。
In playing his role, Berman didn’t adhere to a hard-and-fast position but instead embraced his own brand of “principled pragmatism.” By his logic, the interests of privacy and national security were not incompatible.在发挥他的作用，伯曼没有坚持以硬性的立场，而是拥抱自己的品牌“的原则务实” ，他的逻辑，利益的隐私和国家安全之间并不矛盾。 If all sides — government, industry, civil-liberties activists — could find ways to “maximize the good and minimize the harm,” as he liked to say, they could strike a satisfactory balance and create workable laws.如果各方-政府，工业界，民间自由活动-可以找到办法，“最大限度地好，并尽量减少伤害，”他喜欢说，他们可以取得一个令人满意的平衡和建立可行的法律。 This idea guided his work on FISA and other legislation, sometimes to the consternation of more-ideological activists who employed him to lobby Congress on their behalf.这个想法引导他的工作对参赛指南和其他法例，有时向惊愕更多的思想活动家谁雇用他游说国会代表他们。
Perhaps that was because principled pragmatism recognized an unsavory reality: In Washington, those who show up to play the game make the rules.也许这是因为有原则的实用主义承认一unsavory的现实：在华盛顿，那些谁显示出来玩游戏，使规则。 Negotiation requires sacrifice.谈判需要牺牲。 Sacrifice requires flexibility.牺牲，需要有灵活性。 Some people would rather break than bend.有些人宁愿打破比弯曲。 But compromise is how things get done, and Berman accepted it.但妥协是如何得到的东西，这样做，和伯尔曼接受它。 As a colleague summarized Berman’s general approach to lawmaking, “You can stand on your principle and get your ass handed to you, or you can engage in the process and get a better deal.”作为一个同事总结了伯尔曼的一般做法，以立法， “你可以在您的立场和原则，让您的驴移交给您，或者您可以进行在这个过程中，并得到较好的处理” 。
In the summer of 1994, the FBI and the Justice Department made a bold play to force the telecom carriers to help them conduct legal wiretaps.在1994年夏，美国联邦调查局和司法部作出了一个大胆的发挥，迫使电信运营商，以协助他们进行窃听的法律。 They put forth a proposal that would require the companies to build their networks so that law enforcement agents serving a warrant could access them in real time.他们提出了建议，这将需要公司建立他们的网络，使执法机关服务的手令可以接入他们在实时性。 The legality of wiretapping was not in question.合法性的窃听是没有问题的。 The government wanted legal assurance that it could tap, at any time, and that the industry had an obligation under law to comply with the government’s proper authority.政府通缉的法律保证，它可以挖掘，在任何时间，该行业已承担的一项义务的法律要遵守政府的适当权力。
No more computer-related hassles, no more standing in line to plug into mobile-phone ports.没有更多的与电脑有关的麻烦，没有更多的常务委员会在线插入手机的港口。 Law enforcement agents, federal spymasters, and prosecutors wanted a comprehensive remedy to what they called the “digital telephony” problem.执法人员，联邦spymasters ，和检察官要进行全面的补救办法是什么，他们被称为“数字电话”的问题。 Their chief advocates were Kallstrom and Louis Freeh, the recently appointed FBI director, a former special agent and federal prosecutor who had used wiretaps to secure convictions in some of the most complicated organized-crime investigations in history.他们的行政主张被卡尔斯特罗姆和路易freeh ，最近任命的联邦调查局局长，一名前特工和联邦检察官谁曾使用窃听，以确保被定罪的一些最复杂的有组织犯罪调查的历史。 Freeh personally pushed for the new law, showing up unannounced in reluctant lawmakers’ offices to press them for support and even sitting in on committee markups — an unprecedented move for an FBI director — to stare members down. freeh亲自推动新的法律，显示了突击不愿意在国会议员的办事处，以新闻为他们的支持，甚至在会议上委员会markups -一个前所未有的举措，一个联邦调查局局长-盯成员。
Clipper Chip快船芯片
The 1994 proposal was only the latest in a series of government efforts to strengthen its control of the telecommunications network. 1994年的建议，只是最近进行的一系列政府努力加强其控制的电信网络。 In the late 1980s, Justice officials had gotten as far as placing language in an anti-crime bill that would have allowed the attorney general to set standards for telecommunications equipment, effectively making that federal official the network’s architect-in-chief.在20世纪80年代末，司法官员已得到据配售语言在一项反犯罪法案，将允许总检察长设置标准，电信设备，有效地使联邦官方网络的建筑师-在-行政。 (The bill did not pass.) （条例草案没有通过。 ）
In 1993, Bill Clinton, in one of his first presidential directives, announced that engineers at the National Security Agency, the intelligence community’s electronic surveillance arm, had developed a cutting-edge microcircuit, called the “Clipper” chip, to scramble telephone conversations.在1993年，比尔克林顿，在他的第一次总统的指示，宣布工程师在国家安全局，情报界的电子监视手臂，制定了一个尖端的微电路，称为“快船”芯片，争夺电话交谈。 The administration intended to promote the installation of the Clipper technology in US telephones, and planned to hold “in escrow” the digital keys to decrypt any conversation.政府当局打算以促进安装快船技术在美国的电话，并计划举行“在代管”数字键来解密的任何谈话。 In other words, the federal government would build the lock and keep the key, an idea that inspired a reaction somewhere between outrage and apoplexy among technologists and privacy advocates, who ultimately killed the idea.在其他的话，联邦政府将建立和保持锁的关键，一个想法，鼓舞的一种反应之间的某个愤慨和中风之间的科技和隐私倡导者，谁最终死亡的想法。
In that atmosphere of hostility and skepticism, Berman went to work.在这方面的气氛中的敌对和怀疑，贝曼上班去了。 Beginning in August 1994, he convened a series of meetings with senior law enforcement officials under the auspices of a privacy and security coalition he had formed with more than four dozen activist groups and technology companies — including the biggest telecom provider of all, AT&T — plus the US Telephone Association, IBM, and software makers such as Microsoft.开始于1994年8月，他召开了一系列会议，与高级执法官员的主持下，一的隐私和安全联盟，他已成立四个多十活动家团体和科技公司-包括最大的电信供应商所有， A T＆ T公司-加美国电话协会， IBM和软件制造商，如Microsoft 。 The goal was to resolve differences over the government’s proposal to ensure federal access to telecommunications networks.目标是要解决分歧，超过政府的建议，以确保联邦接入到电信网络。 Berman also brought in two powerful Democratic lawmakers and noted civil libertarians, Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont and then-Rep.伯曼也带来了在两个强大的民主党议员，并指出，公民自由，参议员帕特里克莱希佛蒙特州和当时的代表。 Don Edwards, whose district included California’s Silicon Valley.唐爱德华兹，其区包括加利福尼亚州的硅谷。 Everyone in the negotiating room had some familiarity with technology issues, and professional experience in law enforcement or Justice Department oversight.大家在谈判的余地了一些熟悉的技术问题，和专业经验，在执法或司法部的监督。
The meetings featured intense, nitty-gritty debates over the technical aspects of the law.会议精选激烈， nitty - gritty的争论，在技术方面的法律。 The FBI wanted guarantees that the telecom system would never mature beyond the reach of its wiretaps.美国联邦调查局通缉的保证电信系统的成熟，绝不会超越达到其监听。 Some companies saw this as heavy-handed regulation, and a number of telecom officials shared the activists’ belief that the government was in fact after a permanent covert backdoor into the phone system.一些公司认为这是沉重的霸道的规例，以及一些电信官员共同活动家'认为政府其实是在后一个永久的秘密后门进入的电话系统。 The negotiations helped to somewhat dampen the suspicions, however, and the talks went forward because no one in the room disagreed with the fundamental premise that the government had the right to wiretap.谈判有助于打击有点怀疑，不过，会谈到未来，因为没有人在房间内不同意的根本前提，即政府有权窃听。
But outside of the meetings, divisions festered among the interest groups.但以外的会议，进行记名表决时festered之间的利益团体。 Berman represented the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which champions the public interest in the digital realm, but its board couldn’t decide whether compromise was prudent or perilous.伯曼为代表的电子疆域基金会，其中冠军公众利益，在数字化的境界，但其董事会不能决定是否妥协，为审慎起见，或危险的。 Berman felt he had to persuade his colleagues, in another series of heated meetings, to work in the middle.伯尔曼认为，他已说服他的同事们，在另一一系列激烈的会议，在工作中。 To him, that meant that the legislative negotiations would follow an inviolate principle: We will only craft solutions to known problems.他说，这意味着立法的谈判将遵循一个不可侵犯的原则：我们将只船解决已知的问题。 No writing of laws aimed at encompassing future problems.没有书面的法律的目的在于涵盖未来的问题。 If the FBI has difficultly accessing the public telephone network, then the law will address only that public telephone network.如果联邦调查局已经难存取公共电话网络，然后依法处理，只是公共电话网络。
In addition to identifying a philosophical guideline, this approach served a more strategic goal — to keep the FBI’s hands off the Internet, which was so new in 1994 as to be practically notional.此外，找出一个哲学的指引，这种做法的服务更具战略性的目标-保持美国联邦调查局的手离开互联网，这是使新在1 994年，以切实的名义。 Internet service providers such as America Online and Prodigy had only a handful of subscribers, and the first Web browser had been released that year, in a beta test version.互联网服务供应商如美国在线和神童过，只有少数用户，和第一的Web浏览器已被释放，这一年，在一个测试版本。 Still, Berman and others knew that the FBI would never willingly agree to stay off the information superhighway, because Internet-based information held tremendous potential value for law enforcement.还有， Berman和他人知道，美国联邦调查局绝不会心甘情愿地同意远离信息高速公路，因为基于因特网的信息举行了巨大的潜在价值为执法。
During one meeting, David Johnson, a lawyer who had helped to craft the Electronic Communications Privacy Act in 1986, held up a glass jar full of rocks and asked, “How many of you would say this jar is full?” Most people agreed that it was.在一次会议上，大卫约翰逊，一名律师谁帮助工艺电子通讯隐私法在1986年，举行了一个玻璃罐子，充满岩石和问： “有多少你会说这罐子是充分？ ”大多数人都一致认为，据。 Johnson took a fistful of pebbles and dropped them into the jar.约翰逊采取了fistful的卵石和下降到罐子。 They tinkled down through the rocks, finding resting places in the empty spaces.他们tinkled下来的岩石，找到休息的地方，在空白。 Then he poured sand into the jar.然后，他倾注了砂进入罐子。 As it cascaded into the empty spaces, Johnson told the onlookers that the sand was like the unseen, seemingly insignificant “transactional data” that traveled on the Internet.因为它级联到空白，约翰逊告诉围观者说，沙子像无形的，看似微不足道的“交易数据”走过的互联网上。 Transactional data includes the routing information for a text-based message — where it comes from, where it goes, and what path it follows — and the series of digits that make up an Internet address.交易数据，包括路由信息，为基于文本的消息-在哪里它来自，这是不言而喻，它是什么路径如下-和一系列数字，使了一个In ternet地址。 This information would someday be of enormous value to the government, he said, just as phone call records, as opposed to actual conversations, already were.这方面的资料，将总有一天，会有巨大的价值，向政府，他说，正如电话的通话记录，作为反对实际的谈话，已经分别。 The transactional data were small but meaningful — like the tiny grains of sand that kept filling the volume of the jar.交易数据虽小，但有意义的-一样，微小的颗粒砂一直在加油站量的罐子。
During one meeting, David Johnson, a lawyer who had helped to craft the Electronic Communications Privacy Act in 1986, held up a glass jar full of rocks and asked, “How many of you would say this jar is full?” Most people agreed that it was.在一次会议上，大卫约翰逊，一名律师谁帮助工艺电子通讯隐私法在1986年，举行了一个玻璃罐子，充满岩石和问： “有多少你会说这罐子是充分？ ”大多数人都一致认为，据。 Johnson took a fistful of pebbles and dropped them into the jar.约翰逊采取了fistful的卵石和下降到罐子。 They tinkled down through the rocks, finding resting places in the empty spaces.他们tinkled下来的岩石，找到休息的地方，在空白。 Then he poured sand into the jar.然后，他倾注了砂进入罐子。 As it cascaded into the empty spaces, Johnson told the onlookers that the sand was like the unseen, seemingly insignificant “transactional data” that traveled on the Internet.因为它级联到空白，约翰逊告诉围观者说，沙子像无形的，看似微不足道的“交易数据”走过的互联网上。 Transactional data includes the routing information for a text-based message — where it comes from, where it goes, and what path it follows — and the series of digits that make up an Internet address.交易数据，包括路由信息，为基于文本的消息-在哪里它来自，这是不言而喻，它是什么路径如下-和一系列数字，使了一个In ternet地址。 This information would someday be of enormous value to the government, he said, just as phone call records, as opposed to actual conversations, already were.这方面的资料，将总有一天，会有巨大的价值，向政府，他说，正如电话的通话记录，作为反对实际的谈话，已经分别。 The transactional data were small but meaningful — like the tiny grains of sand that kept filling the volume of the jar.交易数据虽小，但有意义的-一样，微小的颗粒砂一直在加油站量的罐子。
CALEA CALEA的
Johnson’s vivid illustration convinced many of the participants that the new law mustn’t extend too far.约翰逊的生动例证深信，许多与会者认为，新的法律绝不能延长太远。 Again, the issue wasn’t whether law enforcement had a right to information but how much power the government should have over the means to get it.再次，问题不在于是否有执法权的资料，但有多大的权力，政府应该有超过手段获取它。 Leahy and Edwards, who formally introduced the legislation shortly thereafter, declared that it would apply solely to the public telephone network.莱希和爱德华兹，谁正式提出立法此后不久宣布，它将仅适用于公共电话网络。 The law specifically exempted “information services,” which the parties agreed included Internet companies and electronic-messaging technologies.该法特别豁免“信息服务” ，各方同意，包括互联网公司和电子通讯技术。
The Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act passed in the closing days of the 103rd Congress, two weeks before Republicans won control of both chambers in November 1994.通讯协助执法法案通过的最后几天第103国会，前两个星期，共和党赢得了控制参众两院在1994年11月。 CALEA would let the industry set its own standards to meet the Justice Department’s needs. CALEA的，将让业界订定本身的水平，以满足美国司法部的需要。 The department could list its surveillance requirements, but the act let companies decide how to build their equipment.该署可以监视名单的要求，但该法让公司决定如何建立他们的设备。 Justice won the right to petition the Federal Communications Commission if its officials felt that the companies weren’t fulfilling their obligations.司法韩元请愿权的美国联邦通讯委员会，如果其官员认为，该公司不履行其义务。 But civil-liberties groups also secured the right to challenge the government’s requirements in court.但民间自由团体也有担保权的挑战，政府的要求在法庭上。
It was a true compromise, hard won but workable.这是一个真正的妥协，来之不易，但可行的。 For Berman, principled pragmatism had carried the day.为伯曼，务实的原则进行了一天。 For others, however, the compromise had given away too much.对于另一些人，不过，已作出妥协，远离太多。
The board of the Electronic Frontier Foundation had seen the proverbial legislative sausage being made and found it distasteful.董事会的电子疆域基金会看到了谚语立法香肠正在作出，并发现它distasteful 。 Even though the directors had agreed to every aspect of the law, which Berman explained to them, within weeks after its passage he left the EFF and formed his own outfit, the Center for Democracy and Technology, to continue his brand of lobbying.即使董事已同意的每一个方面的法律，贝曼，向他们解释，在数周内通过后，他离开了作用，并形成自己的装备，民主和技术中心，继续他对品牌的游说工作。 The EFF pulled up stakes in Washington the following year and moved to San Francisco, where it continues to play a leading role in supporting lawsuits against telecommunications companies — most notably AT&T, its former ally — for their role in assisting the government with warrantless wiretapping after the 9/11 attacks.该电子疆界基金会撤出了在华盛顿的利害关系，次年并移至旧金山，在那里继续发挥主导作用，在支持起诉的电讯公司-最显着的A T＆ T公司，其前盟友-为他们发挥作用，协助政府与窃听后， 9 / 11的攻击。
At the time, Berman confided to Kallstrom, whom he thought had always acted in good faith for the FBI, “My work on CALEA got me fired.”在时间，伯尔曼confided ，以卡尔斯特罗姆，其中他认为一直秉诚行事，为美国联邦调查局， “我的工作就CALEA的让我开枪” 。
Kallstrom was apparently happy to see his more idealistic opponents leave town.卡尔斯特罗姆显然是高兴地看到，他更理想的对手，离开城市。 “You didn’t get fired, Jerry,” he replied. “你没有得到发射，杰里， ”他回答。 “You got promoted.” “你有推动” 。
Making Demands决策的要求
Had the FBI and the Justice Department stopped there, had the government settled for secure access to phone networks, the history of Internet privacy and civil liberties might have turned out differently.曾联邦调查局和司法部停止在那里，政府当初为解决安全地进入电话网络的，历史的互联网隐私和公民自由有可能变成不同的看法。 But just weeks after President Clinton signed CALEA in January 1995, conflict erupted between the government and the phone carriers over the kind of network access the law provided.但仅数周后，克林顿总统签署CALEA的在1995年1月，冲突爆发政府与市民之间的电话运营商超过种网络接入法律规定。 The raft of compromise that had carried the deal sprung a leak.竹排上的妥协进行过交易，涌现出一泄漏。
FBI officials knew in 1994 that they were making a mistake by leaving cyberspace out of CALEA.联邦调查局官员知道，在1994年，他们作出了错误的离开网络走出CALEA的。 They understood the Internet’s potential as a communications device and an intelligence tool — that is, after all, why CALEA’s authors exempted “information services.”他们了解互联网的潜力，作为一种通讯工具，和情报的工具-也就是，毕竟，为什么C ALEA的的作者豁免“信息服务” 。
“Did we know that it was idiotic to carve that out?” Kallstrom asks now. “我们知道，这是愚蠢的瓜分指出， ” ？卡尔斯特罗姆要求现在。 “Yes, we did.” Criminals have always been among the first to embrace new technology. “是的，我们没有” 。犯罪分子一直位居第一拥抱新科技。 It was foolish to think that they wouldn’t turn to the Internet for any number of nefarious gambits.这是愚蠢的认为他们不会转向互联网任何数目的邪恶gambits 。 But, Kallstrom says, government officials opted “to fight another day” over Internet access.不过，卡尔斯特罗姆说，政府官员选择了“争取另一天”的互联网接入。 Privacy advocates were dragging their feet in the negotiations.隐私倡导者被拖延了他们的脚在谈判中。 Delay would invite more debate, probably more hearings, and possibly a less favorable outcome.毫不拖延地将邀请更多的辩论，可能更多的听证会，可能是不太有利的结果。 The political decision was made: “Let’s take what we can get here.”政治上作出决定： “让我们采取什么我们能在这里” 。
In early 1995, the Justice Department issued its list of requirements for wiretapping, known as the punch list. 1995年初，司法部发出其名单的要求，窃听，被称为力度名单。 Not surprisingly, many telecom executives and their attorneys viewed the demands as unreasonable.毫不奇怪，许多电信执行官和他们的律师认为，要求是不合理的。 Al Gidari, a lawyer representing the wireless industry, was among the first to see the FBI’s requirements, during the initial meeting to develop standards for CALEA, which was held that spring in Vancouver, British Columbia.基地gidari ，一名律师代表无线行业，是最先看到美国联邦调查局的要求，在最初的会议，以制定标准为CALEA的，这是举行春天在温哥华，不列颠哥伦比亚省。 The Justice Department’s wish list, he said, amounted to “the Cadillac of wiretaps.”司法部的愿望清单，他说，为“凯迪拉克窃听” 。
“Everything they could ever think of to gold plate and put on the Cadillac was in that document,” Gidari recalls. “一切都可以想到的金板和提上了凯迪拉克是在该文件中， ” gidari回忆。 Meeting its expectations represented “an exponential increase in complexity, not a linear increase….会议的期望，代表“ 1的指数增长的复杂性，而不是一个线性增加… … 。 They were very dictatorial … technical requirements — the very thing that Congress said it wasn’t up to [the FBI] to figure out.”他们非常独裁…的技术要求-非常的事情，国会表示，这是不以[联邦调查局]搞清楚“ 。
The standards meeting was tense and awkward, and the sides were unevenly matched.标准会议是紧张和尴尬，以及双方不平衡的匹配。 Gidari recalls a dozen or more FBI agents, in neat blue suits, all buttoned down and looking ready to roll over anyone who stood in their way. gidari回顾十或更多的联邦调查局特工，在整洁的蓝色西装，所有纽扣和期待准备推出超过任何人谁，站在他们的方式。 Arrayed on the opposite side of the table was a group of laid-back and casually dressed network engineers from all the major telecom equipment manufacturers and carriers that was tasked with the unenviable job of telling the bureau that the industry planned to build a much less complex system.阵列上的对立面，表是一组下岗回到和随便穿着网络工程师从所有主要的电信设备制造商和运营商的任务是与吃力不讨好的工作，告诉主席团该行业计划建立一个更复杂制度。 It wasn’t what the FBI agents wanted to hear.这不是什么联邦调查局特工想听的话。
Over the next few years, the Justice Department continued to seek increasingly sophisticated surveillance capabilities, including real-time geographical tracking of mobile phones; the ability to monitor all parties in a conference call regardless of whether they are on hold or participating; and “dialed digit extraction,” a record of any numbers that a subject under surveillance punched in during a call, such as a credit card or bank account number.在未来几年中，美国司法部继续寻求日益先进的监视能力，包括实时时间，地域的跟踪移动电话;能力，以监察所有各方在一个电话会议上不论他们是被搁置或参与;及“拨打数字的提取， “创纪录的任何号码的主题下，监察挥拳打在在通话中，如信用卡或银行帐户号码。 The government got a lot of what it wanted, but not all.政府还有很多什么希望，但不是全部。
To be sure, criminals’ use of new technologies helped drive the law enforcement demands.可以肯定的是，罪犯利用新技术推动了执法的要求。 But telecom carriers worried that the cost of compliance was too high and that the FBI’s technical requirements were illegally broad.但电信运营商担心成本遵守过高，并认为美国联邦调查局的技术要求被非法广阔。 CALEA, they argued, had forbidden the government from requiring specific system designs or technologies. CALEA的，他们辩称，已禁止政府从规定的具体制度设计或技术。
The FCC’s Turn FCC的转
Justice, frustrated by its inability to get all the demands on the punch list, finally asked the FCC to step in. In 1997, the Cellular Telecommunications Industry Association, which then represented mobile carriers, and the Center for Democracy and Technology complained to the commission that the negotiations had deadlocked because of “unreasonable demands by law enforcement for more surveillance features than either CALEA or the wiretap laws allow.” The FCC, however, sided with the Justice Department on a host of requirements that privacy groups found overly broad.正义，失望，它无法让所有的需求力度的名单，最后要求FCC的介入在1997年，蜂窝通信工业协会，然后为代表的移动运营商，以及民主和技术中心的投诉，委员会该谈判已陷入僵局，因为“无理的要求，执法监察，为更多的功能比CALEA的或窃听的法律允许” 。扑灭罪行委员会，不过，片面与司法部对东道国的要求，隐私保护组织发现，过于笼统。 The tussle dragged on for two more years and ended up in the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, which overruled the FCC.争夺拖了两年，结束了在美国上诉法院哥伦比亚地区电路，推翻了FCC的。 After the commission took up matters again, it granted some of the FBI’s requests, and the CALEA standards were amended.之后，该委员会接手的事宜再次，它给予一些美国联邦调查局的要求，以及CALEA的标准修订。
When Justice Department officials reported to Congress on CALEA implementation in January 1998, no manufacturer of telecom equipment said that the FBI’s demands were impossible to meet, but they did say that complying would be difficult and very expensive.当司法部官员报告向国会提交的CALEA的实施在1998年1月，没有制造商，电信设备说，美国联邦调查局的要求，不可能满足，但他们说，遵守便很难和非常昂贵。 (Although Congress had set aside $500 million to reimburse companies for retrofitting their networks, the law required the carriers to bear the cost of compliance on any equipment put in place after CALEA was enacted. Several experts believe that the final cost for compliance on telephone networks has been two to eight times the amount originally allotted.) （虽然国会已拨出五亿元，偿还公司加装他们的网络，法律规定须有运营商要承担的成本，遵守对任何设备落实到位后， CALEA的制定。几位专家认为，最终成本为遵守对电话网络已经7点58倍的数额本来分配） 。
The level of government surveillance was so low at that time that some questioned why the FBI wanted such multifaceted access at all.政府一级的监察是如此之低在这个时候，一些质疑，为何联邦调查局通缉等多方面的访问在所有。 In 1994, federal and state authorities were running 1,154 wiretaps nationwide, mostly for drug investigations, at an average cost of $50,000.在1994年，联邦和州当局正在运行的1154年全国监听，主要是为药物的调查，平均成本$ 50000 。 The government was asking carriers to “design a nuclear rocket ship” for a rarely used tool, Gidari thought.政府要求运营商“设计一个核火箭船舶”一个很少使用的工具， gidari思想。 “In [the FBI’s] view, there was no limit to the expense the carrier should spare in order to save a life.” “在[美国联邦调查局的]查看，有没有限制，以牺牲承运人应在备件，为了拯救一个生命” 。
CALEA continued to evolve, shaped by the ongoing arguments over the terms of its birth. CALEA的不断发展，形成目前争论的条款，它的诞生。 Activists and carriers thought that the FBI was reneging on its bargain, asking for more than the law allowed.活动家和运营商认为，联邦调查局背弃就其讨价还价，要求多于法律不允许的。 The FBI believed that carriers were stalling when they failed to meet compliance deadlines.美国联邦调查局认为，运营商被拖延时，他们未能满足法规遵从的最后期限。 As all sides dug in, the meetings on implementation turned bitter.由于各方在挖，会议就实施拒绝的痛苦。 FBI and Justice officials slammed their hands on tables and screamed at carrier representatives, Gidari recalls.联邦调查局和司法官员抨击他们的手放在桌子和尖叫在承运人的代表， gidari回忆。 “You’re unpatriotic! “你不爱国！ What do you want to do, help the criminals?”你有什么想做的事，帮助罪犯“ ？
The government asked those same questions after September 11, 2001.政府要求这些相同的问题后， 2001年9月11日。 And this time, telecommunications carriers responded.而这一次，电信运营商的回应。 Outside the normal FISA warrant process, which covers intelligence-gathering, carriers opened access to their networks, their customer call data, and their valuable transactional information — the kind that CALEA had intended to exclude.以外的正常参赛指南手令的过程，其中包括情报搜集，运营商开放进入他们的网络，他们的客户呼叫数据，以及他们宝贵的交易信息-那种C ALEA的打算排除。 President Bush and his administration believed that the extraordinary nature of the terrorist attacks demanded emergency actions that FISA couldn’t accommodate, and the carriers answered the call from law enforcement and intelligence agencies.布什总统和他的政府当局相信，特殊性质的恐怖袭击事件，要求采取紧急行动表示，参赛指南无法容纳，和运营商响应号召，从执法和情报机构。 But government officials also seized on the post-9/11 mentality to change other surveillance laws and procedures, which they believed — just as their predecessors did in 1994 — were out of step with technology and reality.但政府官员也对检获9.11心态，改变其他监察的法律和程序，他们相信这些-正如他们的前辈曾在1 994年-走出一步用科技和现实。 About three years after 9/11, officials set their sights on rewriting CALEA.约三年后， 9 / 11 ，官员们确定了其着眼于重写CALEA的。
Claiming the Internet声称互联网
In August 2004, in response to a petition by the Justice Department, the FBI, and the Drug Enforcement Administration, the FCC expanded CALEA to cover Internet communications, including voice calls and instant messages.在2004年8月，在回应一份请愿书是由司法部，联邦调查局，缉毒当局， FCC的CALEA的扩大，以包括互联网通讯，包括语音呼叫和即时讯息。 The Electronic Frontier Foundation sued, along with industry, civil-liberties, and academic groups.电子疆界基金会提起诉讼，随着工业，民间的自由，和学术团体。 In 2005, the Court of Appeals ruled 2-1 to defer to the FCC’s reading of the law.在2005年，上诉法院的裁定， 2月1日推迟到FCC的读法。
Many of those who had helped craft CALEA believed that the commission had misread the law and acted on a post-9/11 impulse to give the government more, not less, access to information.许多这些谁帮助工艺CALEA的认为，委员会已误读的法律和采取行动1 9.11的冲动让政府更多，而不是更少，信息的获取。 But to the FCC, new Internet technologies that operate a lot like telephones blurred the distinction between “information services” and the kinds of technology that CALEA was meant to cover.但向FCC ，新的互联网技术，运作了很多像电话模糊区分“信息服务”和种技术， CALEA的用意是涵盖的范围。
After 9/11, law enforcement and intelligence agencies took a variety of measures, apart from wiretaps, to collect and mine potentially valuable information from the Internet.后9 / 11 ，执法机构和情报机构采取了多种措施，除了监听，以搜集和排雷具有潜在价值的信息从互联网上。 With the cooperation of telecom companies, government accumulated lots of transactional data — including e-mail header information and lists of websites visited by targeted individuals — to support counter-terrorism operations.与合作的电信公司，政府积累了大量的交易数据-包括电子邮件的标题信息，并列出了网站的访问有针对性的个人-支持反恐怖主义行动。 Viewed solely as a reaction to the terrorist attacks of 2001, this kind of collection might seem extraordinary.看仅仅作为反应的恐怖袭击事件的2001年，这种收集可能似乎非同寻常。 But through the longer lens of history, the government’s steady march into cyberspace is not surprising.但透过镜头更长的历史，政府的稳定进军网络空间并不令人惊讶。
Law enforcement agencies have never suffered for lack of access to the phone network.执法机构从来没有遭受缺乏接触到电话网络。 Kallstrom recalls only a few instances in which agents were unable to execute a wiretap order because of new technology.卡尔斯特罗姆回忆，只有少数实例中，代理商无法执行窃听秩序，因为新技术。 But as digital, mobile technology has proliferated, the copper lug nuts that Kallstrom remembers from the 1980s have disappeared.但由于数字化，移动计算技术的扩散，铜吊耳螺帽认为，卡尔斯特罗姆记得，从20世纪80年代已经消失。 Today, state and federal agents spend most of their tap time on mobile devices.今天，州和联邦特工花费大部分的自来水时间在移动设备上。 In 1994, most wiretaps, by far, targeted private residences.在1994年，最窃听，到目前为止，有针对性的私人住宅。 There were few taps on mobile devices.有几个水龙头在移动设备上。 Ten years later, 88 percent of the 1,710 wiretaps were on mobile devices.十年后， 88 ％的1710年被窃听的移动设备上。 Only 5 percent were on residential lines.只有5 ％的人对住宅电话线。 Without CALEA, some experts believe that Kallstrom’s initial fears would have come true and the federal government would have been shut out of the wiretapping business.没有CALEA的，一些专家认为，卡尔斯特罗姆的初步恐惧会成真和联邦政府将已关闭的窃听业务。
Jerry Berman never wanted that to happen.杰里伯曼从来不想这种情况发生。 Although he cannot accept that the law that was meant to minimize the government’s influence over the Internet is now being used to facilitate it, he is willing to negotiate on CALEA again, if that is what’s necessary to satisfy all parties.虽然他不能接受的，该法是指以尽量减少政府的影响力，随着国际互联网，是现在正在使用，以方便它，他愿意进行谈判， CALEA的再次指出，如果这是必要的，以满足各方。
That willingness to talk extends to FISA, as well, and Berman’s Center for Democracy and Technology has been actively involved in the current agitations over the law.即愿意谈延伸到参赛指南，以及，以及伯尔曼的民主和技术中心一直积极参与在目前的agitations超过法律。 But whenever he and his cohorts have extended the hand of compromise to Congress or the administration, he says, they have been disappointed.但每当他和他的人群延长了的手，妥协，向国会或政府当局，他说，他们已经失望。 Any attempt to revamp FISA, or to clarify CALEA, “is impossible in the current climate,” Berman says. “There is no sense that you could get the kind of negotiation we got in 1994.”
FISA and CALEA
One has to wonder how strong that spirit of compromise really was in 1994, and whether it was already ebbing. If the FBI was willing to take what it could get on CALEA and go on to fight another day, did the government really “settle” at all? Literally weeks after CALEA was signed the Justice Department and the FBI came roaring back with new demands. What killed the penchant for negotiation? Was it the moderates’ loss of power in both political parties after the 1994 Republican revolution? Was it the entrenchment of civil-liberties activists? Was it the Bush White House’s extravagant interpretation of executive power? Was it 9/11?
Berman spends a lot of time pondering these questions and thinking about next moves. He divides his time between Washington, where he chairs his group’s board of directors, and a home he built on the Cacapon River near Berkeley Springs, W.Va. “We just have people in bunkers now,” Berman says ruefully.
The FISA debate is currently hung up on whether companies that assisted warrantless surveillance after 9/11 should have retroactive legal immunity for any laws they may have broken. CALEA has something to say about that, too. The law requires that carriers be able to deliver call identification information to the government remotely. According to Beryl Howell, Sen. Leahy’s lead CALEA staffer, that provision was meant to keep government agents from sitting in the phone companies’ offices to execute their wiretaps.
It is a basic tenet of wiretapping law, whether for intelligence or law enforcement, that the communications companies act as a buffer between their customers and the government, she says, and that telecom carriers must make their own determination whether official requests are, in fact, legal. That the companies would now assert, in defense of their cooperation, that the government determined that post-9/11 requests were legal, strikes Howell as outrageous.
If ever there was a time for the bare-knuckled negotiations of the past, it’s now. It’s not at all clear, though, who could play the role of Jerry Berman, the one to bring people into the room to scream and yell at each other and emerge feeling better for it — and possibly even coming to a compromise. As things stand, Congress appears more likely to punt the FISA debate to the new administration, and has shown little interest in revisiting CALEA.
The constant tension that once kept this system in balance has reached a breaking point. There is no push and pull. Maybe the stakes are too high for compromise. But until that spirit returns, Berman says, “there will be no peace.”
See More: Big Brother FBIHave Your Say: Roots of surveillance standoff go back decades
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