The Genealogy of Torture and Democracy該族譜的酷刑和民主
By通過 Shannon Jones香農瓊斯 | The horrifying scenes of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq and the mistreatment of detainees at the US concentration camp at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba have brought the issue of the officially sanctioned state use of torture into the international spotlight. |可怕的場面，虐俘在阿布格萊布監獄在伊拉克和虐待被拘留者在美國的集中營在關塔那摩灣，古巴帶來了問題的官方認可的國家使用酷刑成為國際社會關注的焦點。
The widespread employment of torture by US military and intelligence agencies has been accompanied by an unrelenting assault on democratic rights at home.廣泛的就業酷刑美國軍方和情報機構一直伴隨著不懈的攻擊的民主權利，在家裡。 The “war on terror” has been used to justify warrantless wiretaps, detention without charges and other attacks on constitutional rights. “反恐戰爭”已被用來證明無證竊聽，拘留而不費和其他的攻擊的憲法權利。 The Bush administration, with the complicity of the US Congress, has asserted virtually dictatorial power, proclaiming its right to seize and hold indefinitely anyone it deems an “enemy combatant.”布什政府，與同謀，美國國會，已斷言，幾乎獨裁的權力，宣布它有權扣押和舉行無限期任何它認為是一個“敵方戰鬥人員” 。
Darius Rejali, in his recently published book Torture and Democracy , documents the continued widespread employment of torture.大流士rejali ，在他最近出版的酷刑和民主 ，文件中仍然存在著廣泛的就業酷刑。 He provides a meticulously detailed account of the use of torture techniques by both authoritarian and bourgeois democratic governments from the Spanish Inquisition to the present.他提供了一個認真詳細交代使用酷刑的技術都專制和資產階級民主政府從西班牙宗教裁判所到現在。 He reaches the conclusion that the so-called industrial democracies, the United States, Britain, and France in particular, have been responsible for developing and exporting a large portion of the torture techniques currently employed throughout the world.他得出結論認為，所謂的工業民主國家，美國，英國，和法國，尤其是一直負責發展和出口大部份酷刑技術目前受聘整個世界。
Rejali, an Iranian-American, is a professor at Reed College in Portland, Oregon and is regarded as a leading expert on the torture issue and its consequences for society. rejali ，伊朗-美國，是一位教授在蘆葦學院在俄勒岡州的波特蘭和被視為領導專家關於酷刑問題及其社會後果。 He has authored several previous works on the topic, including, Torture and Modernity: Self, State and Society in Iran .他執筆的前幾個工程就這一專題，包括酷刑和現代性：自我，國家和社會在伊朗 。
The author’s principle thesis is that the rise of human rights monitoring since the 1970s has not reduced the use of torture, but merely driven regimes that practice torture to utilize “clean” methods that are more difficult to detect.作者的原則的論點是，崛起的人權監測自七十年代以來，並沒有減少使用酷刑，而只是驅動的制度，這種做法酷刑利用“乾淨”的方法，更難以被偵測到。 He points in particular to the rise of electro-torture and stun technology as indicative of this trend.他指出，特別是崛起的電酷刑和電技術作為顯示了這一趨勢。
Rejali is sharply critical of apologists for the US use of torture. rejali是尖銳的批評的辯護士，為美國使用酷刑。 He rebuts claims that so called “harsh interrogation” techniques defended by Bush administration lawyers—included forced standing, hooding, starvation, thirst, mind-altering drugs, and sleep deprivation, among others—do not constitute torture.他駁斥稱，所謂“嚴酷的審問”技術捍衛布什政府的律師-包括強迫站立，戴頭罩，飢餓，乾渴，心態改變的藥物，剝奪睡眠，除其他外-不構成酷刑。 He demonstrates that similar methods were denounced when employed by foreign governments against US soldiers, for example by Japan and Germany during WWII.他表明，類似的方法被譴責時，受聘於外資企業的政府對美國士兵，例如日本和德國在二戰期間。
As for the CIA practice of waterboarding, Rejali points out that it is a torture technique dating back to the 17th century that later found its way to the US via soldiers returning from the Philippine War.至於中情局的做法， waterboarding ， rejali指出，它是一種酷刑技術可以追溯到17世紀，後來找到了自己的方式向美國通過士兵回國的菲律賓戰爭。
He notes, “The limitations placed on the CIA’s ‘enhanced interrogations’ are almost identical to those imposed by Gestapo chief Muller in 1943 on the Gestapo’s ‘sharpened interrogation’” (p. 503).他指出， “限制，對中央情報局的'加強盤問是幾乎相同的那些所施加的蓋世太保行政穆勒在1943年對蓋世太保的'激化審問” （ 503頁） 。
Rejali correctly points out that the use of torture is not simply an issue relating to the treatment of prisoners captured during America’s overseas military interventions. rejali正確地指出，使用酷刑是不是簡單的問題，有關囚犯待遇的被俘期間，美國的海外軍事干預行動。 He notes the long history of torture techniques, eg, electric cattle prods, the so-called third degree, etc., employed by police departments on prisoners in the United States, citing for example the recent police torture case in New York City involving Abner Louima.他指出，悠久的歷史酷刑技術，例如，電動牛prods ，所謂的第三度等，所聘用的警察部門對囚犯在美國，引用，例如最近的警察酷刑案件在紐約市，涉及abner louima 。 He warns that torture techniques learned by US soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan will eventually show up in American policing.他警告說，酷刑技術據悉，美軍士兵在伊拉克和阿富汗將最終顯示在美國的治安。
He strongly opposes equipping police with stun guns and tasers because the misuse of these devices on prisoners is difficult to detect, making them ideal torture devices.他強烈反對裝備警察與眩暈槍和泰瑟槍，因為誤用這些設備對囚犯是難以察覺，使他們理想的刑具。
Rejali also rebuts the reactionary and ignorant arguments put forward by Zionist apologist Alan Dershowitz and others who favor so-called torture warrants. rejali也駁斥反動和無知所提出的論據，猶太复國主義apologist梁家傑德紹維茲和其他誰主張，使所謂的酷刑認股權證。 He points out that there is no documented case of torture uncovering a “ticking bomb,” and that torture is more likely to produce unreliable information than other forms of intelligence.他指出，是沒有記載案件酷刑揭露了“滴答的炸彈， ”和酷刑，更可能產生不可靠的信息比其他形式的情報。 Further, he argues that torturers always go beyond the approved methods.此外，他認為，酷刑始終超越批准的方法。
Rejali’s work, however, is marred overall by an apolitical approach, which treats the question of torture in an abstract manner, largely separate from the policy aims and class interests of the regimes that employ it. rejali的工作，不過，整體marred是由一個中立的做法，對待酷刑問題在一個抽象的方式，主要是脫離的政策目標和階級利益的制度，聘用。
While documenting the continued pervasive use of torture, despite legal prohibitions, from local police departments to state security agencies, Rejali is unable to draw any significant conclusions about what this says about the character of US society.同時，記載了繼續普遍使用酷刑，儘管法律禁止，由當地警察部門的國家安全機構， rejali是無法得出任何有意義的結論是什麼，這表示約性質的美國社會。 This is in no small part due to the fact that he uncritically accepts the premises behind the so-called “war on terror” that are being used to justify the atrocities committed by the United States and other imperialist powers.這是在不小，部分原因是一個事實，即他uncritically接受處所的背後有所謂的“反恐戰爭”正被用來證明犯下的暴行是由美國和其他帝國主義列強。
The author treats Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo as though they were unrelated to the assault on democratic rights within the United States.作者對待阿布格萊布和關塔那摩好像他們無關的攻擊對民主權利在美國。 Further, he makes no critical assessment of the character of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, thus implicitly accepting the premises behind these reactionary neo-colonial adventures.此外，他還沒有嚴格的評估的特點，戰爭在伊拉克和阿富汗，從而含蓄地接受處所背後的這些反動的新殖民主義的冒險。
The book makes for difficult reading.這本書使困難讀。 The author adopts a detached, academic, almost matter-of-fact approach in describing some of the most horrific human abuses, cataloging the history of every known torture technique and its usage by country.作者採用了超脫，學術，幾乎件事- -事實上的做法，在描述一些最可怕的助長侵犯人權的行為，編目的歷史，每一個已知的酷刑技術及其應用國家。 While this certainly required a huge amount of research, the accumulation of such a mass of detail ultimately ends up numbing the reader and detracting significantly from the overall impact of the book.而這當然需要大量的研究，積累這樣一個大規模的詳細資料，最終結束了麻木的讀者和貶低顯著的整體影響這本書。
One reviewer suggested the book could serve as sort of a torture manual.一查察建議，這本書可以作為排序的酷刑手冊。 While this undoubtedly was not the intention of the author, one wonders if all this detail was necessary to support his contentions.而這無疑是不打算作者，一個奇蹟，如果這一切細節，要支持他的爭論。
One of the conclusions drawn by Rejali is that torture is a craft, passed on by individual torturers, and not a science.其中得出的結論rejali的是，酷刑是一種工藝，通過對個人施加酷刑，而不是一門科學。 He advances this thesis as a rebuttal to claims by American radical academic Noam Chomsky that the US Central Intelligence Agency has acted as the principal distributor of torture techniques during the last half of the 20th century.他的進步這一論斷作為反駁索賠，由美國激進的學術諾姆喬姆斯基說，美國中央情報部擔任的主要分銷商酷刑技術在過去的20世紀上半葉。
However, whatever its precise role in spreading specific torture techniques, there is no doubt that the CIA has assisted right-wing client regimes that employ torture, especially in Latin America.然而，不論其確切的作用，在傳播的具體酷刑的技術，這是毫無疑問的美國中央情報局的協助下，右翼客戶制度，聘請酷刑，特別是在拉丁美洲。 Rejali’s rebuttal of Chomsky thus appears insincere, aimed more at distancing himself from a left-wing critique of US imperialism than in adding to public understanding about torture. rejali的反駁喬姆斯基因此，看來言不由衷的，目的是更疏遠自己從一個左翼批判美帝國主義，比加入，以讓市民了解關於酷刑。
On page 22, he asks rhetorically, “How is it that democracy and torture can coexist?” But he does not ask the more pertinent question, “What is the state of American democracy under conditions where the ruling authorities openly assert their right to practice torture in defiance of domestic laws and international conventions?”第22頁，他問修辭， “如何是民主和酷刑可以共存？ ” ，但他並不要求更多的有關問題， “什麼是國家的美式民主的條件下，如果執政當局公然聲稱他們有權實踐酷刑在無視國內法律和國際公約“ ？
He explicitly rejects a class-based analysis of society, dismissing what he terms the “ruling elite hypothesis,” which argues that “democratic states are ruled by an elite who, for whatever reason, want to hide their exploitative state in the guise of a genuinely democratic government” (p. 411).他明確拒絕一類為基礎的分析，社會，解僱他所稱的“統治精英假說” ，認為“民主國家是統治精英誰，不論基於何種原因，要隱藏他們的國家在剝削的幌子1真正的民主政府“ （ 411頁） 。
In essence, the book is a plea to state authorities to recognize that torture is not in their best interest.在本質上，這本書是一個呼籲，國家當局必須承認，酷刑是不符合他們的最佳利益。 The author argues that torture is ineffective, corrupting and demoralizing.作者認為，酷刑是無效的，腐蝕和士氣低落。 He writes: “In the broadest sense, this book offers states good reasons to avoid torturing prisoners….他寫道： “在最廣泛的意義上，這本書提供了很好的理由國，以避免拷打囚犯… … 。 [I]nstitutionalized torture is the farthest thing from political realism; indeed, it is downright foolish in some cases. [一] nstitutionalized酷刑是最遠的事，從政治現實主義;事實上，這是徹頭徹尾的愚蠢，在某些情況下。 The most effective ways of exercising violence and gathering information depend on public cooperation or at least willing informants” (p. 26).最有效的方式行使暴力和蒐集資料，依賴於公眾的合作，或至少願意告密者“ （第26頁） 。
In this regard, Rejali pays a great deal of attention to the experience of the French in Algeria in the 1950s and early 1960s.在這方面， rejali自付了大量的關注的經驗，法國在阿爾及利亞在20世紀50年代和20世紀60年代初。 Of the French battle against the Algerian anti-colonial insurgency he writes, “What is important here is that democratic institutions were unwilling or unable to stop the turn to torture.根據法國對抗阿爾及利亞反殖民的叛亂，他寫道， “什麼是重要的是，民主機構不願或不能停止之交的酷刑。 One after another the judicial system, the legislature, the opposition parties and the press failed … the consequences for France were severe.一個又一個的司法系統，立法會議員，在野政黨和新聞界…失敗的後果，法國嚴重。 In 1958, the army threatened to intervene in national politics for the first time since Napoleon’s coup of eighteenth Brumaire, leading to the collapse of the Fourth Republic.在1958年，軍隊的威脅進行干預，在國家政治以來的第一次拿破崙的政變第十八霧月，導致崩潰的第四共和國。 In 1961 the army finally did organize a putsch and failed” (p. 47).在1961年軍隊最後沒有組織政變和失敗“ （第47頁） 。
In an interview in the February 2008 edition of Harper’s Magazine he writes, “As I show in Torture and Democracy , the Battle of Algiers turned in favor of the French only after Paul Aussaresses, who ran the torture policy, was replaced by the very smart and canny Col. Yves Godard, and it was his informants, not Aussaresses’ torture policy, that gave the French the big breaks they needed.在接受記者採訪時，在2008年2月出版的哈珀的雜誌 ，他寫道， “正如我在顯示在酷刑和民主 ，戰役阿爾及爾拒絕在有利於法國的保羅後，才aussaresses ，誰然酷刑的政策，改為由很聰明，和Canny算子上校伊夫•戈達爾，這是他的線人，而不是aussaresses '酷刑政策，即給了法國的大休息，他們需要的。 Goddard knew how intelligence really worked.”戈達德知道如何真正的情報工作“ 。
In the same interview he calls it a “hopeful” sign that so far “clean” methods of torture are being employed because it means “government leaders know that people are watching.”在相同的採訪，他呼籲它是“有希望”的標誌，到目前為止， “乾淨”的酷刑方法是被僱用，因為這意味著“政府領導人知道的人注視著” 。
By implication, what Rejali is proposing then are “clean” colonial wars where the occupiers exercise restraint and balanced judgment.言下之意，什麼rejali建議，然後是“乾淨”的殖民戰爭而佔用克制和平衡的判斷。 But the author does not cite examples because none exist.但作者不舉的例子，因為沒有存在的。
How is it that state torture, a relic of medieval barbarism, flourishes in the 21st century?如何是該國的酷刑，遺跡，中世紀的野蠻行徑，盛行在21世紀？ In Chapter Two the author advances a series of “models” to explain why purportedly democratic states like the US practice torture : for information, for confessions and as a means of intimidation.在第二章的作者進步了一系列的“模式”來解釋，為什麼聲稱民主國家一樣，美國的做法酷刑：信息，為口供，並作為一種手段，恐嚇。 But the author evades the main point.但作者迴避的主要點。 While it is true that the US and other Western democracies have covertly practiced torture in the past, what is new is that the US ruling class now openly embraces and defends these methods.雖然這是事實，美國和其他西方民主國家都暗中實行酷刑在過去的，什麼是新的是，美國的統治階級，現在公開擁抱和維護這些方法。 The sanction of torture and other wholesale violations of democratic principles, such as suspension of the right of habeas corpus, are unprecedented in the history of the United States.制裁酷刑和其他批發違反民主原則，例如暫停人身保護權，是歷史上前所未有的美國。
Behind the breakdown of the constitutional rule of law is the staggering growth of social inequality in the United States and globally.背後的分項憲法，法治是驚人的增長，社會不平等在美國和全球。 The US is a society so polarized along class lines that democratic forms of rule are breaking down.美國是一個社會階層兩極化的沿線的民主形式的規則打破了。 The top 1 percent of the US population controls 34.3 percent of the net worth of all households and 20 percent of all income.頂端的1 ％ ，美國的人口控制34.3 ％的淨值的所有住戶及20 ％的所有收入。 By contrast, the poorest 40 percent controls just .2 percent of wealth.相比之下，最貧窮的40 ％ ，管制只是0.2 ％的財富。
The United States incarcerates more of its own people than any other country in the world, 1.6 million or about 1 out of every 100 US adults.美國incarcerates更多的自己的人民比其他任何國家在世界上， 1600000 ，或約1列，每100美國成年人。 In 2007 it was fifth in the world behind China, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in the number of executions.在2007年這是第五次在世界上落後於中國，伊朗，沙特阿拉伯和巴基斯坦在處決的人數。
The intensification of the assault on democratic rights is also bound up with the turn to military aggression and conquest overseas by the US corporate establishment.加緊攻擊對民主權利也必然與之交，以軍事侵略和征服海外由美國公司成立。 The attempt to seize the resources of the oil-rich Middle East and subjugate the people of the region requires the use of massive violence.企圖抓住資源盛產石油的中東和征服地區人民的需要使用大規模的暴力行為。 It requires the suppression of opposition to this agenda within the United States as well.它要求鎮壓反對這項議程，美國以及。
Thus, no amount of moral appeals or attempts to apply pressure to the ruling authorities can reverse the trend toward the suppression of civil liberties, including the open sanction of torture.因此，任何數量的道德上訴或企圖施加壓力，向執政當局能夠扭轉這一趨勢對鎮壓公民自由，包括開放制裁的酷刑。 The defense of democratic rights is bound up with a fight against the source of social inequality and war, which is the capitalist profit system itself.國防部的民主權利是必然了一個打擊來源的社會不平等和戰爭，這是資本主義制度本身的利潤。
Torture and Democracy, Darius Rejali, Princeton University Press: 2007, 880 pp., $39.50酷刑和民主， 大流士rejali ，普林斯頓大學出版社： 2007年， 880頁，三十九點五〇美元
See More: 看到更多的： Torture 酷刑 USA News 美國新聞Have Your Say: The Genealogy of Torture and Democracy 你說：族譜的酷刑和民主
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