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The Genealogy of Torture and Democracy该族谱的酷刑和民主 Thursday, May 29th, 2008 周四, 2008年5月29日
The widespread employment of torture by US military and intelligence agencies has been accompanied by an unrelenting assault on democratic rights at home.广泛的就业酷刑美国军方和情报机构一直伴随着不懈的攻击的民主权利,在家里。 The “war on terror” has been used to justify warrantless wiretaps, detention without charges and other attacks on constitutional rights. “反恐战争”已被用来证明无证窃听,拘留而不费和其他的攻击的宪法权利。 The Bush administration, with the complicity of the US Congress, has asserted virtually dictatorial power, proclaiming its right to seize and hold indefinitely anyone it deems an “enemy combatant.”布什政府,与同谋,美国国会,已断言,几乎独裁的权力,宣布它有权扣押和举行无限期任何它认为是一个“敌方战斗人员” 。 Darius Rejali, in his recently published book Torture and Democracy , documents the continued widespread employment of torture.大流士rejali ,在他最近出版的酷刑和民主 ,文件中仍然存在着广泛的就业酷刑。 He provides a meticulously detailed account of the use of torture techniques by both authoritarian and bourgeois democratic governments from the Spanish Inquisition to the present.他提供了一个认真详细交代使用酷刑的技术都专制和资产阶级民主政府从西班牙宗教裁判所到现在。 He reaches the conclusion that the so-called industrial democracies, the United States, Britain, and France in particular, have been responsible for developing and exporting a large portion of the torture techniques currently employed throughout the world.他得出结论认为,所谓的工业民主国家,美国,英国,和法国,尤其是一直负责发展和出口大部份酷刑技术目前受聘整个世界。 Rejali, an Iranian-American, is a professor at Reed College in Portland, Oregon and is regarded as a leading expert on the torture issue and its consequences for society. rejali ,伊朗-美国,是一位教授在芦苇学院在俄勒冈州的波特兰和被视为领导专家关于酷刑问题及其社会后果。 He has authored several previous works on the topic, including, Torture and Modernity: Self, State and Society in Iran .他执笔的前几个工程就这一专题,包括酷刑和现代性:自我,国家和社会在伊朗 。 The author’s principle thesis is that the rise of human rights monitoring since the 1970s has not reduced the use of torture, but merely driven regimes that practice torture to utilize “clean” methods that are more difficult to detect.作者的原则的论点是,崛起的人权监测自七十年代以来,并没有减少使用酷刑,而只是驱动的制度,这种做法酷刑利用“干净”的方法,更难以被侦测到。 He points in particular to the rise of electro-torture and stun technology as indicative of this trend.他指出,特别是崛起的电酷刑和电技术作为显示了这一趋势。 Rejali is sharply critical of apologists for the US use of torture. rejali是尖锐的批评的辩护士,为美国使用酷刑。 He rebuts claims that so called “harsh interrogation” techniques defended by Bush administration lawyers—included forced standing, hooding, starvation, thirst, mind-altering drugs, and sleep deprivation, among others—do not constitute torture.他驳斥称,所谓“严酷的审问”技术捍卫布什政府的律师-包括强迫站立,戴头罩,饥饿,干渴,心态改变的药物,剥夺睡眠,除其他外-不构成酷刑。 He demonstrates that similar methods were denounced when employed by foreign governments against US soldiers, for example by Japan and Germany during WWII.他表明,类似的方法被谴责时,受聘于外资企业的政府对美国士兵,例如日本和德国在二战期间。 As for the CIA practice of waterboarding, Rejali points out that it is a torture technique dating back to the 17th century that later found its way to the US via soldiers returning from the Philippine War.至于中情局的做法, waterboarding , rejali指出,它是一种酷刑技术可以追溯到17世纪,后来找到了自己的方式向美国通过士兵回国的菲律宾战争。 He notes, “The limitations placed on the CIA’s ‘enhanced interrogations’ are almost identical to those imposed by Gestapo chief Muller in 1943 on the Gestapo’s ‘sharpened interrogation’” (p. 503).他指出, “限制,对中央情报局的'加强盘问是几乎相同的那些所施加的盖世太保行政穆勒在1943年对盖世太保的'激化审问” ( 503页) 。 Rejali correctly points out that the use of torture is not simply an issue relating to the treatment of prisoners captured during America’s overseas military interventions. rejali正确地指出,使用酷刑是不是简单的问题,有关囚犯待遇的被俘期间,美国的海外军事干预行动。 He notes the long history of torture techniques, eg, electric cattle prods, the so-called third degree, etc., employed by police departments on prisoners in the United States, citing for example the recent police torture case in New York City involving Abner Louima.他指出,悠久的历史酷刑技术,例如,电动牛prods ,所谓的第三度等,所聘用的警察部门对囚犯在美国,引用,例如最近的警察酷刑案件在纽约市,涉及abner louima 。 He warns that torture techniques learned by US soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan will eventually show up in American policing.他警告说,酷刑技术据悉,美军士兵在伊拉克和阿富汗将最终显示在美国的治安。 He strongly opposes equipping police with stun guns and tasers because the misuse of these devices on prisoners is difficult to detect, making them ideal torture devices.他强烈反对装备警察与眩晕枪和泰瑟枪,因为误用这些设备对囚犯是难以察觉,使他们理想的刑具。 Rejali also rebuts the reactionary and ignorant arguments put forward by Zionist apologist Alan Dershowitz and others who favor so-called torture warrants. rejali也驳斥反动和无知所提出的论据,犹太复国主义apologist梁家杰德绍维兹和其他谁主张,使所谓的酷刑认股权证。 He points out that there is no documented case of torture uncovering a “ticking bomb,” and that torture is more likely to produce unreliable information than other forms of intelligence.他指出,是没有记载案件酷刑揭露了“滴答的炸弹, ”和酷刑,更可能产生不可靠的信息比其他形式的情报。 Further, he argues that torturers always go beyond the approved methods.此外,他认为,酷刑始终超越批准的方法。 Rejali’s work, however, is marred overall by an apolitical approach, which treats the question of torture in an abstract manner, largely separate from the policy aims and class interests of the regimes that employ it. rejali的工作,不过,整体marred是由一个中立的做法,对待酷刑问题在一个抽象的方式,主要是脱离的政策目标和阶级利益的制度,聘用。 While documenting the continued pervasive use of torture, despite legal prohibitions, from local police departments to state security agencies, Rejali is unable to draw any significant conclusions about what this says about the character of US society.同时,记载了继续普遍使用酷刑,尽管法律禁止,由当地警察部门的国家安全机构, rejali是无法得出任何有意义的结论是什么,这表示约性质的美国社会。 This is in no small part due to the fact that he uncritically accepts the premises behind the so-called “war on terror” that are being used to justify the atrocities committed by the United States and other imperialist powers.这是在不小,部分原因是一个事实,即他uncritically接受处所的背后有所谓的“反恐战争”正被用来证明犯下的暴行是由美国和其他帝国主义列强。 The author treats Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo as though they were unrelated to the assault on democratic rights within the United States.作者对待阿布格莱布和关塔那摩好像他们无关的攻击对民主权利在美国。 Further, he makes no critical assessment of the character of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, thus implicitly accepting the premises behind these reactionary neo-colonial adventures.此外,他还没有严格的评估的特点,战争在伊拉克和阿富汗,从而含蓄地接受处所背后的这些反动的新殖民主义的冒险。 The book makes for difficult reading.这本书使困难读。 The author adopts a detached, academic, almost matter-of-fact approach in describing some of the most horrific human abuses, cataloging the history of every known torture technique and its usage by country.作者采用了超脱,学术,几乎件事- -事实上的做法,在描述一些最可怕的助长侵犯人权的行为,编目的历史,每一个已知的酷刑技术及其应用国家。 While this certainly required a huge amount of research, the accumulation of such a mass of detail ultimately ends up numbing the reader and detracting significantly from the overall impact of the book.而这当然需要大量的研究,积累这样一个大规模的详细资料,最终结束了麻木的读者和贬低显着的整体影响这本书。 One reviewer suggested the book could serve as sort of a torture manual.一查察建议,这本书可以作为排序的酷刑手册。 While this undoubtedly was not the intention of the author, one wonders if all this detail was necessary to support his contentions.而这无疑是不打算作者,一个奇迹,如果这一切细节,要支持他的争论。 One of the conclusions drawn by Rejali is that torture is a craft, passed on by individual torturers, and not a science.其中得出的结论rejali的是,酷刑是一种工艺,通过对个人施加酷刑,而不是一门科学。 He advances this thesis as a rebuttal to claims by American radical academic Noam Chomsky that the US Central Intelligence Agency has acted as the principal distributor of torture techniques during the last half of the 20th century.他的进步这一论断作为反驳索赔,由美国激进的学术诺姆乔姆斯基说,美国中央情报部担任的主要分销商酷刑技术在过去的20世纪上半叶。 However, whatever its precise role in spreading specific torture techniques, there is no doubt that the CIA has assisted right-wing client regimes that employ torture, especially in Latin America.然而,不论其确切的作用,在传播的具体酷刑的技术,这是毫无疑问的美国中央情报局的协助下,右翼客户制度,聘请酷刑,特别是在拉丁美洲。 Rejali’s rebuttal of Chomsky thus appears insincere, aimed more at distancing himself from a left-wing critique of US imperialism than in adding to public understanding about torture. rejali的反驳乔姆斯基因此,看来言不由衷的,目的是更疏远自己从一个左翼批判美帝国主义,比加入,以让市民了解关于酷刑。 On page 22, he asks rhetorically, “How is it that democracy and torture can coexist?” But he does not ask the more pertinent question, “What is the state of American democracy under conditions where the ruling authorities openly assert their right to practice torture in defiance of domestic laws and international conventions?”第22页,他问修辞, “如何是民主和酷刑可以共存? ” ,但他并不要求更多的有关问题, “什么是国家的美式民主的条件下,如果执政当局公然声称他们有权实践酷刑在无视国内法律和国际公约“ ? He explicitly rejects a class-based analysis of society, dismissing what he terms the “ruling elite hypothesis,” which argues that “democratic states are ruled by an elite who, for whatever reason, want to hide their exploitative state in the guise of a genuinely democratic government” (p. 411).他明确拒绝一类为基础的分析,社会,解雇他所称的“统治精英假说” ,认为“民主国家是统治精英谁,不论基于何种原因,要隐藏他们的国家在剥削的幌子1真正的民主政府“ ( 411页) 。 In essence, the book is a plea to state authorities to recognize that torture is not in their best interest.在本质上,这本书是一个呼吁,国家当局必须承认,酷刑是不符合他们的最佳利益。 The author argues that torture is ineffective, corrupting and demoralizing.作者认为,酷刑是无效的,腐蚀和士气低落。 He writes: “In the broadest sense, this book offers states good reasons to avoid torturing prisoners….他写道: “在最广泛的意义上,这本书提供了很好的理由国,以避免拷打囚犯… … 。 [I]nstitutionalized torture is the farthest thing from political realism; indeed, it is downright foolish in some cases. [一] nstitutionalized酷刑是最远的事,从政治现实主义;事实上,这是彻头彻尾的愚蠢,在某些情况下。 The most effective ways of exercising violence and gathering information depend on public cooperation or at least willing informants” (p. 26).最有效的方式行使暴力和搜集资料,依赖于公众的合作,或至少愿意告密者“ (第26页) 。 In this regard, Rejali pays a great deal of attention to the experience of the French in Algeria in the 1950s and early 1960s.在这方面, rejali自付了大量的关注的经验,法国在阿尔及利亚在20世纪50年代和20世纪60年代初。 Of the French battle against the Algerian anti-colonial insurgency he writes, “What is important here is that democratic institutions were unwilling or unable to stop the turn to torture.根据法国对抗阿尔及利亚反殖民的叛乱,他写道, “什么是重要的是,民主机构不愿或不能停止之交的酷刑。 One after another the judicial system, the legislature, the opposition parties and the press failed … the consequences for France were severe.一个又一个的司法系统,立法会议员,在野政党和新闻界…失败的后果,法国严重。 In 1958, the army threatened to intervene in national politics for the first time since Napoleon’s coup of eighteenth Brumaire, leading to the collapse of the Fourth Republic.在1958年,军队的威胁进行干预,在国家政治以来的第一次拿破仑的政变第十八雾月,导致崩溃的第四共和国。 In 1961 the army finally did organize a putsch and failed” (p. 47).在1961年军队最后没有组织政变和失败“ (第47页) 。 In an interview in the February 2008 edition of Harper’s Magazine he writes, “As I show in Torture and Democracy , the Battle of Algiers turned in favor of the French only after Paul Aussaresses, who ran the torture policy, was replaced by the very smart and canny Col. Yves Godard, and it was his informants, not Aussaresses’ torture policy, that gave the French the big breaks they needed.在接受记者采访时,在2008年2月出版的哈珀的杂志 ,他写道, “正如我在显示在酷刑和民主 ,战役阿尔及尔拒绝在有利于法国的保罗后,才aussaresses ,谁然酷刑的政策,改为由很聪明,和Canny算子上校伊夫•戈达尔,这是他的线人,而不是aussaresses '酷刑政策,即给了法国的大休息,他们需要的。 Goddard knew how intelligence really worked.”戈达德知道如何真正的情报工作“ 。 In the same interview he calls it a “hopeful” sign that so far “clean” methods of torture are being employed because it means “government leaders know that people are watching.”在相同的采访,他呼吁它是“有希望”的标志,到目前为止, “干净”的酷刑方法是被雇用,因为这意味着“政府领导人知道的人注视着” 。 By implication, what Rejali is proposing then are “clean” colonial wars where the occupiers exercise restraint and balanced judgment.言下之意,什么rejali建议,然后是“干净”的殖民战争而占用克制和平衡的判断。 But the author does not cite examples because none exist.但作者不举的例子,因为没有存在的。 How is it that state torture, a relic of medieval barbarism, flourishes in the 21st century?如何是该国的酷刑,遗迹,中世纪的野蛮行径,盛行在21世纪? In Chapter Two the author advances a series of “models” to explain why purportedly democratic states like the US practice torture : for information, for confessions and as a means of intimidation.在第二章的作者进步了一系列的“模式”来解释,为什么声称民主国家一样,美国的做法酷刑:信息,为口供,并作为一种手段,恐吓。 But the author evades the main point.但作者回避的主要点。 While it is true that the US and other Western democracies have covertly practiced torture in the past, what is new is that the US ruling class now openly embraces and defends these methods.虽然这是事实,美国和其他西方民主国家都暗中实行酷刑在过去的,什么是新的是,美国的统治阶级,现在公开拥抱和维护这些方法。 The sanction of torture and other wholesale violations of democratic principles, such as suspension of the right of habeas corpus, are unprecedented in the history of the United States.制裁酷刑和其他批发违反民主原则,例如暂停人身保护权,是历史上前所未有的美国。 Behind the breakdown of the constitutional rule of law is the staggering growth of social inequality in the United States and globally.背后的分项宪法,法治是惊人的增长,社会不平等在美国和全球。 The US is a society so polarized along class lines that democratic forms of rule are breaking down.美国是一个社会阶层两极化的沿线的民主形式的规则打破了。 The top 1 percent of the US population controls 34.3 percent of the net worth of all households and 20 percent of all income.顶端的1 % ,美国的人口控制34.3 %的净值的所有住户及20 %的所有收入。 By contrast, the poorest 40 percent controls just .2 percent of wealth.相比之下,最贫穷的40 % ,管制只是0.2 %的财富。 The United States incarcerates more of its own people than any other country in the world, 1.6 million or about 1 out of every 100 US adults.美国incarcerates更多的自己的人民比其他任何国家在世界上, 1600000 ,或约1列,每100美国成年人。 In 2007 it was fifth in the world behind China, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in the number of executions.在2007年这是第五次在世界上落后于中国,伊朗,沙特阿拉伯和巴基斯坦在处决的人数。 The intensification of the assault on democratic rights is also bound up with the turn to military aggression and conquest overseas by the US corporate establishment.加紧攻击对民主权利也必然与之交,以军事侵略和征服海外由美国公司成立。 The attempt to seize the resources of the oil-rich Middle East and subjugate the people of the region requires the use of massive violence.企图抓住资源盛产石油的中东和征服地区人民的需要使用大规模的暴力行为。 It requires the suppression of opposition to this agenda within the United States as well.它要求镇压反对这项议程,美国以及。 Thus, no amount of moral appeals or attempts to apply pressure to the ruling authorities can reverse the trend toward the suppression of civil liberties, including the open sanction of torture.因此,任何数量的道德上诉或企图施加压力,向执政当局能够扭转这一趋势对镇压公民自由,包括开放制裁的酷刑。 The defense of democratic rights is bound up with a fight against the source of social inequality and war, which is the capitalist profit system itself.国防部的民主权利是必然了一个打击来源的社会不平等和战争,这是资本主义制度本身的利润。 Torture and Democracy, Darius Rejali, Princeton University Press: 2007, 880 pp., $39.50酷刑和民主, 大流士rejali ,普林斯顿大学出版社: 2007年, 880页,三十九点五〇美元 See More: 看到更多的: Torture 酷刑 USA News 美国新闻Have Your Say: The Genealogy of Torture and Democracy 你说:族谱的酷刑和民主 Please note, only selected comments will be published.请注意,只有选定的评论将出版。 Or discuss this report in our our new forums 或讨论这个报告在我们的我们的新论坛 This entry was posted on Thursday, May 29th, 2008 at 6:27 am and is filed under 此项目被张贴在周四, 2008年5月29日在上午06时27分,并提交下 Reviews 评语 , , General 一般 . 。 You can follow any responses to this entry through the 您可以按照任何的反应,此项目通过 RSS 2.0 2.0 feed. 喂养。 You can 您可以 leave a response 留下的回应 , or ,或 trackback Trackback跟踪 from your own site. 从你自己的网站。 | Translations 翻译 ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() Free Newsletter 免费通讯 Related News 相关新闻
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