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酷刑報告能導致大麻煩為布什律師

星期一, 2009年2月16日
創造您自己的現實?

被暴露的下意識秘密

對再不要說謊!

什麼您不應該知道

由邁克爾・ Isikoff | Newsweek

但OPR探針在傑克冶金匠,接管OLC 2003年的布什受任命者以後開始了,被抗議在備忘錄做的法律論據。 冶金匠辭去了來年在撤出備忘錄以後和以後寫道,他「由「深深地有缺陷」吃驚」,并且「由Yoo和Bybee在備忘錄散漫地辯解了」法律分析,包括總統可能單邊地忽視Congress通過的法律取締酷刑的他們的主張(質詢由許多學者)。

一個內部司法部報告關於批准waterboarding和其他苛刻的審訊戰術導致憂慮在前布什政府官員之中資深律師的品行。 H. 馬歇爾Jarrett,部門的概念監視人單位,專業責任(OPR)辦公室的院長,去年被證實他調查法律建議在關鍵的審訊備忘錄「是否與適用於司法部律師的專業標準是一致的」。 根據要求不被辨認討論敏感事的二個博學的來源,報告的草稿在布什政府的最後的星期遞交了。 它尖銳批評了二位前高級官員法律工作?傑伊Bybee和約翰Yoo ?並且那史蒂文・部雷得伯里,當時是法律顧問(OLC)辦公室院長報告遞交了,來源認為。 (Bybee、Yoo和部雷得伯里沒有反應多RFC。)

另一方面,但?邁克爾Mukasey檢察長和他的代理,標記Filip,強烈反對了草稿,根據來源。 Filip要報告包括反應從所有三位校長,說其中一個來源,一位前高級布什政府律師。 (Mukasey不可能被到達; 他的前參謀長沒有反應RFC。 在一個最終版本被提出對埃里克檢察長持有人Jr.之前, Filip也沒有退回電話留言。) OPR現在尋求包括反應。 「問題在回顧中」,米勒說正義發言人馬修・。

如果持有人接受OPR研究結果,報告可能批轉對國家律師協會為可能的處分。 But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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