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酷刑报告能导致大麻烦为布什律师

星期一, 2009年2月16日
创造您自己的现实?

下意识秘密暴露了

对再不要说谎!

什么您不应该知道

由迈克尔· Isikoff | Newsweek

但OPR探针在杰克冶金匠,接管OLC 2003年的布什受任命者以后开始了,被抗议在备忘录做的法律论据。 冶金匠辞去了来年在撤出备忘录以后和以后写道,他“由“深深地有缺陷”吃惊”,并且“由Yoo和Bybee在备忘录散漫地辩解了”法律分析,包括总统可能单边地忽视Congress通过的法律取缔酷刑的他们的主张(质询由许多学者)。

一个内部司法部报告关于批准waterboarding和其他苛刻的审讯战术导致忧虑在前布什政府官员之中资深律师的品行。 H. 马歇尔Jarrett,部门的概念监视人单位,专业责任(OPR)办公室的院长,去年被证实他调查法律建议在关键的审讯备忘录“是否与适用于司法部律师的专业标准是一致的”。 根据要求不被辨认讨论敏感事的二个博学的来源,报告的草稿在布什政府的最后的星期递交了。 它尖锐批评了二位前高级官员法律工作?杰伊Bybee和约翰Yoo ?并且那史蒂文·部雷得伯里,当时是法律顾问(OLC)办公室院长报告递交了,来源认为。 (Bybee、Yoo和部雷得伯里没有反应多RFC。)

另一方面,但?迈克尔Mukasey检察长和他的代理,标记Filip,强烈反对了草稿,根据来源。 Filip要报告包括反应从所有三位校长,说其中一个来源,一位前高级布什政府律师。 (Mukasey不可能被到达; 他的前参谋长没有反应RFC。 在一个最终版本被提出对埃里克检察长持有人Jr.之前, Filip也没有退回电话留言。) OPR现在寻求包括反应。 “问题在回顾中”,米勒说正义发言人马修·。

如果持有人接受OPR研究结果,报告可能批转对国家律师协会为可能的处分。 But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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