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Um relatório da tortura podia soletrar o problema grande para advogados de Bush

Segunda-feira, fevereiro 16o, 2009
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Por Michael Isikoff | Newsweek

Mas a ponta de prova de OPR começou após o Goldsmith de Jack, um nomeado de Bush que fizesse exame sobre de OLC em 2003, protestado os argumentos legais feitos nos memorandos. O Goldsmith renunciou o seguinte ano após ter retirado os memorandos, e escreveu mais tarde que “astonished” pelo “profundamente danificado” e “raciocinou sloppily” a análise legal nos memorandos por Yoo e por Bybee, including sua afirmação (desafiada por muitos scholars) que o presidente poderia unilaterally negligenciar uma lei passada por Congress que proíbe a tortura.

Um relatório interno do departamento da justiça na conduta dos advogados sênior que waterboarding aprovado e outras táticas ásperas da interrogação estão causando a ansiedade entre oficiais anteriores da administração de Bush. H. Marshall Jarrett, chefe da unidade do cão de guarda das éticas do departamento, o escritório da responsabilidade profissional (OPR), confirmado o ano passado ele estava investigando se o conselho legal em memorandos cruciais da interrogação “era consistente com os padrões profissionais que se aplicam ao departamento de advogados da justiça.” De acordo com duas fontes knowledgeable que pediram para não ser identificadas discutindo matérias sensíveis, um esboço do relatório foi submetido nas semanas finais da administração de Bush. Criticou agudamente o trabalho legal de dois oficiais superiores anteriores? Jay Bybee e John Yoo? as well as aquele de Steven Bradbury, que era chefe do escritório dos conselhos legais (OLC) naquele tempo o relatório foi submetido, as fontes ditas. (Bybee, Yoo e Bradbury não responderam aos pedidos múltiplos para o comentário.)

Mas então? O Attorney General Michael Mukasey e seu deputado, marca Filip, objetaram fortemente ao esboço, de acordo com as fontes. Filip quis o relatório incluir respostas de todos os três directores, ditos uma das fontes, de um advogado superior anterior da administração de Bush. (Mukasey não poderia ser alcançado; seu chefe dos empregados anterior não respondeu aos pedidos para o comentário. Filip também não retornou uma mensagem de telefone.) OPR está procurando agora incluir as respostas antes que uma versão final esteja apresentada ao Jr. do suporte do Attorney General Eric. “A matéria está sob a revisão,” disse o spokesman Matthew Moleiro da justiça.

Se o suporte aceitasse os findings de OPR, o relatório poderia ser enviado às associações da barra do estado para a ação disciplinary possível. But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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