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±×·¯³ª OPR Á¶»ç´Â Àè ±Ý ¼¼°øÀÎ, 2003³â¿¡ OLC¸¦ Á¡°ÅÇÑ ¸Þ¸ð¿¡¼­ ÇÑ ¹ýÀûÀÎ ³íÀïÀ̶ó°í Ç×ÀÇµÈ ºÎ½Ã ÇÇÀÓ¸íÀÚ ÈÄ¿¡ ½ÃÀ۵Ǿú´Ù. ±Ý ¼¼°øÀÎÀº ¸Þ¸ð¸¦ öȸÇÑ ÈÄ¿¡ ´ÙÀ½ÇØ »çÁ÷Çϰí, (¸¹Àº ÇÐÀÚ°¡ µµÀüÇÏ´Â) ´ëÅë·ÉÀÌ ÀϹæÀûÀ¸·Î °í¹®À» ±ÝÁöÇØ Congress°¡ Åë°úµÈ ¹ýÀ» ¹«½ÃÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖ´ø ±×µéÀÇ ´Ü¾ðÀ» Æ÷ÇÔÇÏ¿© ³ªÁß¿¡, ±×°¡ "±í°Ô ¼Õ»óµÇ´Â °Í"¿¡ ÀÇÇØ "³î¶ó°Ô Çϰí" "´ÜÁ¤Ä¡ ¸øÇÏ°Ô ¹ýÀûÀÎ ºÐ¼®ÀÌ" ¸Þ¸ð¿¡ ÀÖ´Â Yoo¿Í Bybee¿¡ ÀÇÇÏ¿© Ãß·ÐÇß´Ù´Â °ÍÀ» ½è´Ù.

½ÂÀεǴ waterboarding ±×¸®°í ´Ù¸¥ °¡È¤ÇÑ ½É¹® Àü¼úÀÌ ÀÌÀü ºÎ½Ã ÇàÁ¤ºÎ °ü¸® Áß ºÒ¾È¿¡°Ô ÀÏÀ¸Å°´Â ¿øÀÎÀÌ µÇ°í ÀÖ´Â °íÀ§ º¯È£»çÀÇ ÇàÀ§¿¡ ³»ºÎ »ç¹ýºÎ º¸°í. H. ¸¶¼£ Jarrett ÀÇ ºÎÀÇ À±¸®ÇÐ °¨½ÃÀÎ ´ÜÀ§, À۳⿡ È®ÀÎµÈ Á÷¾÷ÀûÀΠåÀÓ (OPR)ÀÇ »ç¹«½ÇÀÇ Àå ±×´Â °áÁ¤ÀûÀÎ ½É¹® ¸Þ¸ð¿¡ ÀÖ´Â ¹ýÀû Á¶¾ðÀÌ "°Ë»ç ¹ý¹«ºÎ¿¡." Àû¿ëÇÏ´Â Á÷¾÷ÀûÀÎ ±âÁØÀ¸·Î ÀϰüµÇ¾ú¤¶´Ù´Â °ÍÀ» Á¶»çÇϰí ÀÖ¾ú´Ù È®ÀεÇÁö ¾Ê´Â °ÍÀ» ¹°Àº 2°³ÀÇ Áö½ÄÀÌ ÀÖ´Â ±Ù¿ø¿¡ µû¸£¸é °ú¹ÎÇÑ »çÁ¤À» Åä·ÐÇÑ, º¸°íÀÇ ÃʾÈÀº ºÎ½Ã ÇàÁ¤ºÎÀÇ ¸¶Áö¸· ÁÖ¿¡¼­ º¹Á¾µÇ¾î. ±×°ÍÀº ¿¹¸®ÇÏ°Ô 2°³ÀÇ ÀÌÀü ÃÖ°í °ü¸®ÀÇ ¹ýÀûÀÎ ÀÏÀ» °­ÆòÇߴ°¡? Jay Bybee¿Í ÁÔ Yoo? ¹ý·ü »ó´ã (OLC)ÀÇ »ç¹«½ÇÀÇ ´ç½Ã¿¡ ÀåÀÎ Steven BradburyÀÇ Àú°Í »Ó¸¸ ¾Æ´Ï¶ó, º¸°í´Â º¹Á¾µÇ¾ú´Ù, ±Ù¿øÀº ¹àÇû´Ù. (Bybee, Yoo ¹× Bradbury´Â ´Ù¼ö RFC¿¡ ¹ÝÀÀÇÏÁö ¾Ê¾Ò´Ù.)

±×·¯³ª ´Ù¸¥ ÇÑÆíÀ¸·Î´Â? ¸¶ÀÌŬ Mukasey ¹ý¹« Àå°ü°ú ±×ÀÇ ´ë¸®ÀÎ, Ç¥ Filip´Â ±Ù¿ø¿¡ µû¸£¸é Ãʾȿ¡, °­ÇϰÔ, ¹Ý´ëÇß´Ù. Filip´Â º¸°í¸¦, ¸»Çß´Ù ±Ù¿øÀÇ ÇÑ, ÀÌÀü ÃÖ°í ºÎ½Ã ÇàÁ¤ºÎ º¯È£»ç¸¦ ¸ðµç 3°³ÀÇ ±³Àå¿¡¼­ ÀÀ´äÀ» Æ÷ÇÔÇÏ´Â ¿øÇß´Ù. (Mukasey´Â µµ´ÞµÉ ¼ö ¾ø¾ú´Ù; Âü¸ðÀå ±×ÀÇ ÀÌÀü RFC¿¡ ¹ÝÀÀÇÏÁö ¾Ê¾Ò´Ù. Filip´Â ¶ÇÇÑ Áö±Ý ¸¶Áö¸· ¹öÀüÀÌ ¹ý¹« Àå°ü Ȧ´õ Jr.¿¡°Ô Eric ¼±¹°µÇ±â Àü¿¡ ÀüÈ­ ¸Þ½ÃÁö.) OPR¸¦ ÀÀ´äÀ» Æ÷ÇÔÇÏ´Â °ÍÀ» ³ë·ÂÇϰí ÀÖ´Ù µ¹·Áº¸³»Áö ¾Ê¾Ò´Ù. "»çÁ¤ °ËÅäÀÇ ¹Ø¿¡ ÀÖ´Ù,"´Â °øÁ¤ ´ëº¯ÀÎ ¸ÅÆ© ¹Ð·¯¸¦ ¸»Çß´Ù.

Ȧ´õ°¡ OPR ¹ß°ßÀ» ¹Þ¾ÆµéÀÌ´Â °æ¿ì¿¡, º¸°í´Â °¡´ÉÇÑ Â¡°è Á¶Ä¡¸¦ À§ÇÑ ±¹°¡ º¯È£»ç Çùȸ¿¡ ¹ß¼ÛµÉ ¼ö ÀÖ¾ú´Ù. But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR¡¯s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. ¡°OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They¡¯re not constitutional scholars,¡± said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under ¡°almost unimaginable pressure¡± after 9/11, offered ¡°their best judgment of what the law required.¡±

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was ¡°astonished¡± by the ¡°deeply flawed¡± and ¡°sloppily reasoned¡± legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo¡¯s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would ¡°consider¡± releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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