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Un rapporto di tortura ha potuto ortografare la difficoltà grande per gli avvocati di Bush

Lunedì 16 febbraio 2009
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Da Michael Isikoff | Newsweek

Ma la sonda di OPR ha cominciato dopo l'orafo del Jack, un beneficiario di Bush che ha assunto la direzione di OLC in 2003, protestato le discussioni legali fatte negli appunti. L'orafo si è dimesso il seguente anno dopo avere ritirato gli appunti e più successivamente ha scritto che “è stato stupito„ “profondamente dal difettoso„ e “ha ragionato sloppily„ l'analisi legale negli appunti da Yoo e da Bybee, compreso la loro asserzione (sfidata da molti eruditi) che il presidente potrebbe unilateralmente ignorare una legge approvata da Congress che vieta la tortura.

Un rapporto interno di reparto della giustizia sul comportamento degli avvocati maggiori che waterboarding approvato ed altre tattiche dure di interrogazione stanno causando ad ansia fra gli ex funzionari della gestione di Bush. H. Ordini Jarrett, capo dell'unità del cane da guardia di etica del reparto, l'ufficio della responsabilità professionale (OPR), confermato l'anno scorso lui stava studiando se il consiglio legale negli appunti cruciali di interrogazione “era costante con i campioni professionali che si applicano al reparto degli avvocati della giustizia.„ Secondo due fonti informate che hanno chiesto di non essere identificate discutendo sugli argomenti sensibili, una brutta copia del rapporto è stata presentata nelle settimane finali della gestione di Bush. Ha criticato acutamente il lavoro legale di due ex funzionari superiori? Jay Bybee e John Yoo? così come quello di Steven Bradbury, che era allora capo dell'ufficio dei consulenti legali legali (OLC) il rapporto è stato presentato, le fonti dette. (Bybee, Yoo e Bradbury non hanno risposto alle richieste multiple per il commento.)

Ma allora? Il Attorney General Michael Mukasey ed il suo delegato, contrassegno Filip, hanno obiettato fortemente alla brutta copia, secondo le fonti. Filip ha desiderato il rapporto includere le risposte da tutti e tre i principali, ad esempio una delle fonti, da un ex avvocato più importante della gestione di Bush. (Mukasey non potrebbe essere raggiunto; il suo ex capo del personale non ha risposto alle richieste per il commento. Filip inoltre non ha restituito un messaggio di telefono.) OPR ora sta cercando di includere le risposte prima che una versione definitiva fosse presentata al Jr. del supporto del Attorney General Eric. “La materia è allo studio,„ ha detto il portavoce Matthew Mugnaio della giustizia.

Se il supporto accetta i risultati di OPR, il rapporto potrebbe essere spedito per dichiarare le associazioni della barra per azione disciplinare possibile. But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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