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Un rapport de torture a pu signifier le grand ennui pour des avocats de Bush

Lundi 16 février 2009
Créez votre propre réalité ?

Les secrets subliminaux ont exposé

Ne soyez jamais menti à encore !

Ce que vous n'êtes pas censé savoir

Par Michael Isikoff | Newsweek

Mais la sonde d'OPR a commencé après orfèvre de Jack, un intéressé de Bush qui a succédé OLC en 2003, protesté les arguments légaux faits dans les notes. L'orfèvre a démissionné l'année suivante après retrait des notes, et plus tard a écrit qu'il « a été étonné » par l'analyse légale « profondément défectueuse » et « sans soin raisonnée » dans les notes par Yoo et Bybee, y compris leur affirmation (défiée par beaucoup de disciples) que le président pourrait unilatéralement négliger une loi passée par Congress interdisant la torture.

Un rapport interne de département de justice sur la conduite des avocats aînés que waterboarding approuvé et toute autre tactique dure d'interrogation cause à inquiétude parmi d'anciens fonctionnaires d'administration de Bush. H. Rassemblez Jarrett, chef de l'unité de surveillance de l'éthique du département, l'Office de la responsabilité professionnelle (OPR), confirmé l'année dernière il étudiait si le conseil légal dans les notes cruciales d'interrogation « était conformé aux normes professionnelles qui s'appliquent au ministère de la justice des mandataires. » Selon deux sources bien informées qui ont demandé à ne pas être identifiées discutant des points sensibles, une ébauche du rapport a été soumise en semaines finales de l'administration de Bush. Il a vivement critiqué le travail légal de deux anciens fonctionnaires supérieurs ? Geai Bybee et John Yoo ? aussi bien que celui de Steven Bradbury, qui était chef de l'Office des avocats-conseils légaux (OLC) alors le rapport a été soumis, les sources dites. (Bybee, Yoo et Bradbury n'ont pas répondu aux demandes multiples du commentaire.)

Mais puis ? Attorney General Michael Mukasey et son député, marque Filip, se sont fortement opposés à l'ébauche, selon les sources. Filip a voulu que le rapport inclût des réponses de chacun des trois directeurs, dits une des sources, d'un ancien avocat supérieur d'administration de Bush. (Mukasey ne pourrait pas être atteint ; son ancien chef de personnel n'a pas répondu aux demandes du commentaire. Filip également n'a pas renvoyé un message de téléphone.) OPR cherche maintenant à inclure les réponses avant qu'une version finale soit présentée au Jr. de support d'Attorney General Eric. « La matière est à l'étude, » a dit le porte-parole Matthew Miller de justice.

Si le support accepte les résultats d'OPR, le rapport pourrait être expédié aux associations de barre d'état pour l'action disciplinaire possible. But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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