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Un informe de la tortura podía deletrear el apuro grande para los abogados de Bush

Lunes 16 de febrero de 2009
¿Cree su propia realidad?

Los secretos subconscientes expusieron

¡Nunca miéntase a otra vez!

Qué le no suponen saber

Por Michael Isikoff | Newsweek

Pero la punta de prueba de OPR comenzó después del orfebre de Gato, persona asignada de Bush que asumió el control OLC en 2003, protestada las discusiones legales hechas en las notas. El orfebre dimitió el año siguiente después de retirar las notas, y escribió más adelante que él “fue asombrado” por el “profundamente dañado” y “razonó descuidadamente” el análisis legal en las notas por Yoo y Bybee, incluyendo su aserción (desafiada por muchos eruditos) que el presidente podría unilateral desatender una ley aprobada por Congress que prohibía tortura.

Un informe interno del departamento de la justicia sobre la conducta de los abogados mayores que el waterboarding aprobado y otras táctica ásperas de la interrogación está causando a ansiedad entre funcionarios anteriores de la administración de Bush. H. Forme a Jarrett, jefe de la unidad del perro guardián del ética del departamento, la oficina de la responsabilidad profesional (OPR), confirmada el año pasado él investigaba si el asesoramiento jurídico en notas cruciales de la interrogación “era constante con los estándares profesionales que se aplican al Ministerio de Justicia los abogados.” Según dos fuentes bien informadas que pidieron no ser identificadas discutiendo materias sensibles, un bosquejo del informe fue sometido en las semanas finales de la administración de Bush. ¿Criticó agudamente el trabajo legal de dos funcionarios superiores anteriores? ¿Jay Bybee y Juan Yoo? así como el de Steven Bradbury, que era jefe de la oficina de los consejos legales (OLC) en ese entonces el informe fue sometido, las fuentes dichas. (Bybee, Yoo y Bradbury no respondieron a los pedidos múltiples el comentario.)

¿Pero entonces? Procurador General de la República Michael Mukasey y su diputado, marca Filip, se opusieron fuertemente al bosquejo, según las fuentes. Filip quisiera que el informe incluyera respuestas de los tres directors, dichos una de las fuentes, de un abogado superior anterior de la administración de Bush. (Mukasey no podría ser alcanzado; su jefe de personal anterior no respondió a los pedidos el comentario. Filip también no volvió un mensaje telefónico.) OPR ahora está intentando incluir las respuestas antes de que una versión final se presente al Jr. del sostenedor de Procurador General de la República Eric. “La materia está bajo revisión,” dijo a portavoz Matthew Molinero de la justicia.

Si el sostenedor acepta los resultados de OPR, el informe se podría remitir a las asociaciones de la barra del estado para la acción disciplinaria posible. But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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