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تعذيب تقرير استطاع تهجّيت اضطراب كبيرة لبوش محاميات

يوم الإثنين, فبراير - شباط [16ث], 2009
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بمايكل [إيسكوفّ] | [نوسويك]

غير أنّ ال [أبر] بدأ تحقيق بعد [جك] صائغ, بوش معينة الذي استلم [ألك] في 2003, يحتجّ ال جائز حجات يجعل في المذكرات. صائغ استقال السنة تالي بعد ينسحب المذكرات, وفيما بعد كتب أنّ أدهشت هو كان "" ب ال "بعمق ذو نقائص" و" بشكل وحليّ رشّد" جائز تحليل في المذكرات ب [يوو] و [بب], بما في ذلك تأكيدهم (يتحدّى ب كثير طالبات) أنّ الرئيس استطاع من جانب واحد تغاضيت قانون يمّرّ ب [كنغرسّ] يحظر تعذيب.

داخليّة عدل قسم تقرير على التصرّف إداريّ من محاميات كبريات الذي مستحسنة [وتربوأردينغ] وأخرى قاسية إستجواب تكتيكات يكون يسبّب حالة قلق بين سابقة [بوش دمينيسترأيشن] مسؤولات. [ه.]. نظّمت [جرّتّ], رئيس من القسم علم خلق حراسة وحدة, المكتب من مسؤولية محترفة ([أبر]), يؤكّد [لست ر] هو كان تحرّى ما إذا كان ال [لغل دفيس] في حاسمة إستجواب مذكرات "متوافقة مع المعايير محترفة أنّ يطبّق إلى [دبرتمنت وف جوستيس] وكيلات." وفقا ل اثنان مصادر حسن اطّلاع الذي سأل لا أن يكون عيّنت يتناقش أوامر حسّاسة, قدّمت مسوّدة من التقرير كان في الأسابيع نهائيّة من ال [بوش دمينيسترأيشن]. هو بحدّة انتقد ال جائز عمل من اثنان مسؤولات سابقة علويّة? [جي] [بب] وجون [يوو]? [أس ولّ س] أنّ من ستيفن [بردبوري], الذي كان رئيس من المكتب من جائز إستشارة ([ألك]) [أت ث تيم] قدّمت التقرير كان, المصادر يقال. (لم يستجيب [بب], [يوو] و [بردبوري] إلى يتعدّد طلبات لتعليق.)

غير أنّ بعد ذلك? اعترض [أتّورني جنرل] مايكل [موكسي] ونائبته, علامة [فيليب], بقوّة إلى المسوّدة, وفقا ل المصادر. [فيليب] أراد التقرير أن يتضمّن إستجابات من كلّ ثلاثة مسؤولات, يقال واحدة من المصادر, سابقة علويّة [بوش دمينيسترأيشن] محامية. ([موكسي] استطاع لم يكن بلغت; لم يستجيب [شف وف ستفّ] ه سابقة إلى طلبات لتعليق. لم يرجع [فيليب] أيضا [فون مسّج].) [أبر] الآن يبحث أن يتضمّن الإستجابات قبل أن صيغة نهائيّة قدّمت إلى [أتّورني جنرل] [إريك] حامل [جر.]. قال "الأمر تحت مراجعات," عدل ناطق بلسان ماتيو [ميلّر].

إن حامل يقبل ال [أبر] نتيجة بحث, التقرير استطاع كنت أرسلت إلى دولة قضيب جمعيات ل يمكن [ديسكيبلينري كأيشن]. But some former Bush officials are furious about the OPR’s initial findings and question the premise of the probe. “OPR is not competent to judge [the opinions by Justice attorneys]. They’re not constitutional scholars,” said the former Bush lawyer. Mukasey, in speeches before he left, decried the second-guessing of Justice lawyers who, acting under “almost unimaginable pressure” after 9/11, offered “their best judgment of what the law required.”

But the OPR probe began after Jack Goldsmith, a Bush appointee who took over OLC in 2003, protested the legal arguments made in the memos. Goldsmith resigned the following year after withdrawing the memos, and later wrote that he was “astonished” by the “deeply flawed” and “sloppily reasoned” legal analysis in the memos by Yoo and Bybee, including their assertion (challenged by many scholars) that the president could unilaterally disregard a law passed by Congress banning torture.

OPR investigators focused on whether the memo’s authors deliberately slanted their legal advice to provide the White House with the conclusions it wanted, according to three former Bush lawyers who asked not to be identified discussing an ongoing probe. One of the lawyers said he was stunned to discover how much material the investigators had gathered, including internal e-mails and multiple drafts that allowed OPR to reconstruct how the memos were crafted. In a departure from the norm, Jarrett also told members of the Senate Judiciary Committee last year he would inform them of his findings and would “consider” releasing a public version. If he does, it could be the most revealing public glimpse yet at how some of the major decisions of Bush-era counterterrorism policy were made.


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