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Union leaders stifle growing militancy of London Underground workers工會領袖,扼殺日益增長的戰鬥力倫敦地下鐵路工人

Tuesday, September 16th, 2008 週二, 2008年9月16日

By通過 Daniel O’Flynn and Paul Mitchell丹尼爾歐佛林和保羅米切爾 | Leaders of the Rail, Maritime and Transport trade union (RMT) are seeking to stifle the growing militancy on the London Underground rail system and prevent the development of a political opposition to the Labour government. |領導人的鐵路,海事和運輸工會(區域管理小組)正在尋求扼殺日益增長的好戰對倫敦地下鐵路系統,並防止發展一個在政治上反對工黨政府。

On August 19, the RMT Executive suspended a 72-hour strike by 1,000 engineers and maintenance workers at private infrastructure company Tube Lines after accepting a wage deal of 4.99 percent backdated to April this year and the promise of a rise next year equal to inflation. 8月19日,區域管理小組執行暫停72小時的罷工,由1000年的工程師和維修工人在私人基礎設施公司的管線後,接受工資處理的4.99 % ,追溯至今年四月的承諾,增加在明年平等的通貨膨脹。

RMT General Secretary Bob Crow said, “RMT members at Tube Lines are to be congratulated for the unity and commitment they have displayed during this dispute, not least in the face of hostile media coverage.” He admitted the union had had difficulty selling the deal.區域管理小組秘書長鮑勃烏鴉說: “區域管理小組成員在管線是值得祝賀的團結和承諾,他們有顯示,在這一爭端,而不是至少在面對敵對的媒體報導。 ”他承認,歐洲聯盟已困難的出售處理。

The following day, on August 20, the executive called off a threatened 48-hour strike by 700 cleaners working for subcontractors ISS, ICS, Initial and GBM.翌日, 8月20日,執行所謂的小康威脅48小時的罷工, 700名清潔工人的工作為國際空間站的分包商,集成電路,初次和大紫荊勳賢。

The cleaners had voted by 99.2 percent for industrial action and already held several strikes in an effort to force new Conservative London Mayor Boris Johnson to honour the pledge made by former Labour Mayor Ken Livingstone to pay them the “London living wage” of £7.45 an hour.清潔工人投了贊成票,由99.2 %的工業行動,並已舉行了幾次大罷工,努力迫使新保守的倫敦市長鮑里斯約翰遜履行所作出的承諾前工黨市長利文斯通支付他們的“倫敦生活工資” £ 7.45 1小時。 Livingstone had used this promise to defuse anger after the collapse last year of the Metronet public private partnership (PPP) with debts of £2 billion.利文斯通曾使用這個承諾,化解憤怒崩潰後,去年的metronet公私營機構合作(購買力平價)與債務20.0億英鎊。 In return, the RMT suspended strike action and campaigned for Metronet to be taken over by state-run Transport for London (TfL) permanently rather than sold off—the Labour government’s favoured option.作為回報,區域管理小組暫停罷工行動和競選metronet將要採取的由國家經營的運輸倫敦( tfl )永久而非拋售-工黨政府的贊成的選擇。

In the event, Johnson backed down, claiming it was a “trivial dispute,” but made it clear his aim is to get a no-strike regime imposed on London’s transport system as a prelude to further attacks on wages and conditions.在這種情況下,約翰遜讓步,聲稱這是一個“微不足道的爭端” ,但明確提出,其目的是讓不罷工的制度強加給倫敦的交通運輸系統,作為一個前奏,以進一步攻擊,工資和條件。 The agreement meant cleaners working on Metronet lines received a rise from £5.50 to £7.45 an hour from September 1, 2008.該協議意味著清潔工的工作metronet接獲線上升,從5.50英鎊到7.45英鎊一小時,從2008年9月1日。 Workers on Tube Lines will have to wait until April 1, 2009, to receive the full amount.工人對管內線路將要等到2009年4月1日,收到的全部數額。

Crow declared, “This is a massive breakthrough which will see all Tube cleaners paid the London living wage by next April at the latest.”烏鴉宣稱, “這是一項龐大的突破,這將看到所有管清潔工人付出了倫敦的生活工資,由明年4月在最新的” 。

The Tube workers withstood massive intimidation from management, the government and the media to break through the government’s 2 percent wage limit for the public sector.管工人頂住了大規模的恐嚇,從管理,政府和媒體衝破政府的2 %的工資上限為公共部門。 However, to claim that these pay awards represent a “massive breakthrough” is a distortion.然而,聲稱這些薪酬獎所代表的“大規模的突破”是一種歪曲。

The cleaners’ new wage rates are no more now than cleaners on the Underground earned before privatisation.清潔工人'新工資率,沒有比現在更多的清潔工人對地下之前所賺取的私有化。 Their demands for 28 days’ holiday, sick pay, pension rights, travel concessions and the end of what is called “third party sackings” in which they can be sacked without redress to disciplinary hearings or independent appeals remain unresolved.他們的要求為28天假期,病假工資,退休金的權利,旅行優惠和落腳點,什麼是所謂的“第三黨sackings ”在它們可以被解僱,沒有補救的紀律聽證會或獨立的上訴仍未得到解決。

Since the agreement was made, the cleaning companies, which previously turned a blind eye to the employment of undocumented workers, have suddenly introduced national insurance checks.由於協議是,清潔公司,其中以前把一個視而不見的就業無證件工人,突然介紹了全國保險檢查。 At least three workers have been detained and two deported.至少有3名工人已被拘留和兩個驅逐出境。

In addition, the industrial action was called off just as rail workers at the Charing Cross group of stations, East Ham group and Rickmansworth group were taking action.此外,該工業行動,被稱為小康正如鐵路工人在十字交叉組站,東火腿集團和rickmansworth組採取行動。 Bill posters working at CBS Outdoor and Eurostar cleaners had voted unanimously to strike.條例草案海報的工作在CBS戶外和歐洲清潔工人投了贊成票,一致罷工。 Other public sector workers are also threatening industrial action.其他公共部門的工人也威脅採取工業行動。

For all the RMT’s denunciations of conditions on the London Underground and criticisms of privatisation, they never address the fact that the trade unions were directly responsible for allowing privatisation to happen in the first place.所有區域管理小組的解約條件對倫敦地下鐵路和批評私有化,他們從不正視一個事實,即工會的直接責任人的責任,讓私有化發生擺在首位。

Since Labour’s election, it has faithfully served its capitalist masters, tearing up welfare entitlement, privatising key sectors of public services, and overturning democratic rights.由於勞工的選舉中,它忠實地服務,其資本主義的主人,撕毀福利的權利,私營化,關鍵部門的公共服務,並推翻的民主權利。 No demand has been too great.沒有需求已經太大。

The PPP programme was the method by which they championed the privatisation of the London Underground.購買力平價方案的方法,他們倡導的私有化,倫敦地下鐵路。 Claiming the market and corporate efficiency was the optimum way of financing after years of underfunding, proposals for farming out the track, tunnels and signalling to the private sector via the PPP were announced in 2001.自稱市場和企業效益是最佳途徑的融資經過多年的資金不足,建議耕作出來的軌道,隧道及信號向私營部門通過購買力平價分別在2001年宣布。

Crow’s election as general secretary of the RMT that year was an expression of how New Labour had alienated large sections of workers.烏鴉的當選為秘書長,區域管理小組指出,今年是如何表達的新的勞工已疏離的大型路段工人。 Crow, a former member of the Stalinist Communist Party of Britain, was one of a new layer of officials dubbed the “awkward squad” by the media.烏鴉,前委員,斯大林共產黨的英國,是一個新的層的官員被稱為“尷尬隊”由媒體。 Such victories were hailed by left groups such as the Socialist Party and the Socialist Workers Party as the start of a revival of militant trade unionism that would challenge the government.這樣的勝利歡呼離開群體,如社會主義黨和社會主義工人黨作為開始復甦,好戰的工會將挑戰政府。

Rail workers voted three times for strike action against the PPP proposals, but the RMT repeatedly called-off strikes at the last minute and overturned ballots for action.鐵路工人投反對票的3倍罷工行動,打擊公私營界別合作建議,但區域管理小組一再呼籲小康罷工在最後一刻推翻了選票的行動。 While workers saw strike action as a means of opposing privatisation, the unions refused to make this their explicit aim.而工人看到罷工行動作為一種手段,反對私有化,工會拒絕作出這一明確的目標。 Where one-day strikes did happen, they were the result of unofficial action.凡一次為期一天的罷工發生,他們的結果,非官方的行動。

As a result, two new companies, Metronet and Tube Lines, were set up in 2003 to run the maintenance and cleaning operations, many of which were further outsourced.因此,兩家新公司, metronet和管線,成立於2003年運行維修和清潔行動,其中許多是進一步外包。

Crow and the other union bureaucrats hoped to convince the government that it had to make some concessions if it was to avoid class confrontation and retain political credibility.烏鴉和其他聯盟的官僚,希望說服政府,它不得不做出一些讓步,如果是為了避免階層對抗和保留的政治信譽。 At first, the RMT sought to put pressure on the Labour leaders by withholding union funds.在第一,區域管理小組設法施加壓力,對勞工領袖隱瞞工會經費。 Crow was adamant that “for the trade union movement to abandon the Labour Party would be a serious mistake.” But within the RMT, only a few hundred of its 70,000 members remained members of the party.烏鴉是堅決認為, “工會運動放棄勞工黨將是一個嚴重的錯誤” ,但內部的區域管理小組,只有幾百其70000委員仍然成員黨。

At the RMT’s Annual General Meeting in 2003, a vote was passed allowing branches to affiliate to and provide finance for other political organisations of their choosing.在區域管理小組的股東週年大會於2003年,經表決獲得通過,讓黨支部的子公司,以提供資金的其他政治團體,他們的選擇。 Soon after, the Scottish Regional Council applied to the RMT executive for affiliation to the Scottish Socialist Party.不久之後,蘇格蘭區域市政局適用於區域管理小組長官所屬蘇格蘭社會主義黨。

The SSP was the result of the regroupment strategy pursued by the Socialist Party and its predecessor, the Militant Tendency, which claimed that the formation of a new socialist party would arise through a realignment of left elements within the Labour Party, the various fragments of the old Stalinist Communist Party and the smaller left groups.該過磷酸鈣是由於集結的戰略所追求的社會主義黨和它的前身,好戰傾向,聲稱,形成了社會主義新黨會出現通過調整左分子的勞工黨,各片段的舊的斯大林共產黨和規模較小的左群體。 Such parties would be based on a reformist programme, with Marxists operating as a tendency within them much as Militant had operated within the old Labour Party.這些締約方會的基礎上,改革派方案,與馬克思主義者的經營作為一個傾向,他們多為激進曾經營的舊勞工黨。 At first orienting to the defunct Socialist Labour Party set up by British miners’ union leader Arthur Scargill and Rifundazione Comunista in Italy, which emerged out of a split in the Italian Communist Party, the SP then set up the Socialist Alliance, which Crow joined.在第一次面向存在的社會主義勞工黨成立的英國礦工工會領袖阿瑟斯卡吉爾和rifundazione共產主義在意大利,出現了一個分裂,在意大利共產黨,的SP ,然後建立起社會主義聯盟,烏鴉加入。

The project failed and was subsequently abandoned in England.該項目失敗,後來被遺棄在英格蘭。 In Scotland, it enjoyed a longer duration thanks to its explicit embrace of Scottish nationalism and support for the newly devolved capitalist parliament.在蘇格蘭,它有著更長的感謝其明確的懷抱,蘇格蘭的民族主義和支持,為新下放的資本主義議會。 Later, it too fell apart amidst a bitter split.稍後,它也下跌,除了一片痛苦的分裂。

In the meantime, the RMT’s flirtation with the SSP led Labour’s national executive to expel the union, claiming it had broken the party’s constitution.在此同時,區域管理小組的flirtation與過磷酸鈣,導致勞工的國家行政驅逐聯盟,聲稱它已打破了黨的憲法。

Crow continues to campaign to a more viable political vehicle to help bolster the dwindling political authority of the trade union bureaucracy and the Labour “left,” such as it is.烏鴉繼續運動,更可行的政治車輛,以助提升越來越少的政治權威,工會官僚主義和勞工“左” ,如它是。 At the second conference of the SP-led Campaign for a New Workers Party, on June 29, he declared, “What our members don’t want to see is another Respect or Socialist Labour Party.在第二次會議的SP主導的運動,一個新的工人黨, 6月29日,他宣布: “我們大家不希望看到的是另一種尊重或社會主義勞工黨。 They want to see a political party—and we’ve got to move towards it.”他們希望看到一個政黨和我們已經到了走向它“ 。

Crow’s proposed alternative for his union has proven to offer no progressive way forward for working people.烏鴉的建議替代他的聯盟已經證明,提供沒有進步的前進方向,勞動人民。 The era of global production, facilitated by developments in computerisation and telecommunications, has destroyed the basis for such national reformist strategies.時代的全球生產,促進發展,電腦和通訊,摧毀了基礎,這些國家的改革派戰略。 No longer able to reconcile its policy of social reforms with its defence of capitalism, Labour has transformed itself into the direct political instrument for imposing the dictates of global capital.不再能夠調和的政策,社會改革與辯護的資本主義,勞工已轉變成直接的政治工具,施加支配全球資本。 The same process has taken place within the trade unions, which have overseen greater exploitation, longer working hours and lower wages.相同的過程已採取地方工會,有監督,更大的剝削,更長的工作時間和較低的工資。

What is required is the establishment of rank-and-file committees to take the struggle out of the hands of the RMT, coordinate joint action across the London Underground and appeal for support from the millions of workers and commuters whose safety is compromised on a daily basis by the drive to ratchet up exploitation and cut costs.所需要的是建立員佐級委員會採取的鬥爭,走出手中的區域管理小組,協調聯合行動,整個倫敦地下鐵路,並呼籲支持,從以百萬計的工人和通勤者,其安全是妥協,每日的基礎上,由驅動器棘輪了剝削和削減成本。 Such an industrial offensive can only succeed if it is linked to a new political strategy, which rejects the capitalist market as the basis for the organisation of economic and social life and places social need over corporate profit.這種工業的進攻只能成功,如果是掛到一個新的政治策略,反對資本主義市場並以此為基礎組織的經濟和社會生活和地方的社會需要超過企業盈利。


Have Your Say: Union leaders stifle growing militancy of London Underground workers 你說:工會領袖,扼殺日益增長的戰鬥力倫敦地下鐵路工人
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Mad Boffin 瘋牛病boffin commented on: 評論:
Tools to Expose Big Oil’s Influence on Our Political System 工具,以揭露大型石油公司的影響,我們的政治制度
You are fed the 17th century Hypothesis that oil is a fossil fuel just... 你是美聯儲17世紀的假說認為,石油是礦物燃料的只是...
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