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星期二, 2008年7月22日
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美國不會檢控布什

星期六, 2008年7月19日
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因為國家在酷刑,缺乏公眾輿論布什、Cheney和Rumsfeld為戰爭犯罪在美國不会被嘗試

美國不會檢控布什

由約翰・ McQuaid, guardian.co.uk 

證據通過批准對「改進的審訊技術」 - ie酷刑的用途登上高級美國官員-包括喬治・布什總統, Dick Cheney副總統和前國防部長Donald Rumsfeld -做的戰爭犯罪。 戰爭犯罪鼓聲加速了與二本書最近發行: 紐約人作家珍妮Mayer的暗邊和Philippe沙子的酷刑合作,提供行政政策制定那帶領美國留出不僅日內瓦公約,但是尊敬傳統對敵對囚犯人權的在危害POWs約會到回到喬治・華盛頓的禁止。

當前和前布什官員現在擾亂避免不名譽-不提及的刑期的風險-將起因於邢事訴訟。 這個星期,國會山莊被對待了對沙子和道格拉斯Feith,是伊拉克入侵的建築師的一前Rumsfeld門徒景象,肩並肩作證在眾院小組委員會面前。 在與沙子的一次更早的採訪, Feith真正地聲稱是「一個球員」在法律解決方法工程學到日內瓦公約在Guantánamo。 在委員會面前, Feith宣稱他沒有偏差的支持為日內瓦。

當我們臨近布什總統的職務的結尾評論小河在這個題目打蠟。 紐約時代週刊專欄作家Nicholas Kristof更好去他的專家一,建議什麼美國需要是排序的南非洲樣式真相和和解委員會通過過去八年的不僅法律違反,但是政治操作。

吊在片刻。 没有办法那布什、Cheney、Rumsfeld或者酷刑秒鐘和三排enablers - Feiths和約翰Yoos -為戰爭犯罪在美國將被檢控。

對起訴的障礙,更加一般,是缺乏全國公眾輿論關於酷刑的具體問題或者對恐怖的布什政府的行動。 Certainly there is a consensus that the Bush administration has been a disaster and that the Iraq war was a mistake. But this doesn’t apply to specific terrorism policies, on which the White House still has more or less a political blank check to do as it pleases. (Whether a majority of the public supports those policies is debatable, but Republicans still back Bush, and Democrats are still cowed by the risk of appearing soft on the issue.) See Kevin Drum on why this is not Watergate: a well of political support remains for Bush’s terror policies, “enhanced interrogation” among them.

The matter of criminal culpability lies several steps further on. Even if they concede that torture is a war crime and buy the practical arguments against it - that it generates false information, endangers US soldiers should they be taken prisoner and is disastrous for America’s image and diplomatic efforts - many Americans would still resist prosecuting officials whose motive was averting terror attacks.

This also goes deeper than politics. I hate to sound cynical, but Americans don’t have much interest in accountability, truth or reconciliation. Our national motto is “move on”. The buzzword of the decade is Stephen Colbert’s “truthiness”. Trials or commissions on war crimes would force a reckoning that many Americans don’t think is necessary and/or would simply rather not have.

However, those still hoping to see Bush and his associates in the dock might see promise in another feature of American culture: its disposability. What seems set in stone today, an immutable law of politics, almost certainly won’t be tomorrow. What once seemed an issue of high principle to many conservatives - embracing torture and defending Bush & Co - may quickly become passé once Bush leaves office and other issues come to dominate. The ideal condition for a successful prosecution is not a rising tide of outrage at Bush that would stoke the divisions in US society, but indifference.

Still, the most likely scenario for a torture prosecution is something like what happened to ex-Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. His own country wouldn’t touch him, but an industrious Spanish prosecutor - aided by the work of human rights activists and backed by international opinion - indicted him for torture and war crimes and nearly snared him. If Bush, Cheney or Rumsfeld faced a similar indictment from abroad, Americans would be outraged - but not really. The US government would try to head it off, but wouldn’t be able to do much. No one would actually go on trial, but the indictees would see their travel options humiliatingly curtailed and go to their graves knowing the phrase “charged with war crimes” will be next to their names in the history books.

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Have Your Say: The US will not prosecute Bush

One Response to “The US will not prosecute Bush”

  1. Ashley
    Posted: Jul 19th, 2008 at 10:15 pm

    If Bush, Cheney or Rumsfeld were indicted from abroad, surely we could just grab them, put them on a plane, stop off at Diego Garcia for a spot of refuelling and then take them to the country as required. I was under the impression that this was an accepted method of transport for suspected criminals\enemies of the state.

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