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De V.S. zullen geen Bush vervolgen

Zaterdag, 19 Juli, 2008
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Bush, Cheney en Rumsfeld zullen nooit geprobeerd worden voor oorlogsmisdaden in de V.S. omdat het land een consensus inzake marteling niet heeft

De V.S. zullen geen Bush vervolgen

Door John McQuaid, guardian.co.uk 

Het bewijsmateriaal zet op dat de hoogste ambtenaren van de V.S. - met inbegrip van President George Bush, ondervoorzitter Dick Cheney en vroegere defensiesecretaresse Donald Rumsfeld - oorlogsmisdaden door het gebruik van „verbeterde ondervragingstechnieken“ te machtigen - d.w.z. marteling begingen. Drumbeat van oorlogsmisdaden heeft met de recente versie van twee boeken versneld: De schrijver van Newyorker het de Donkere Partij van Jane Mayer's en Team van de Marteling van Philippe Sands's, die de uitvoerende besluitvorming documenteert die de V.S. ertoe bracht om de Overeenkomsten van Genève, maar een traditie van eerbied voor de rechten van de mens van vijandelijke gevangenen niet alleen terzijde te leggen wie data aan terug naar George Washington verbod bij de schade van POWs.

De huidige en vroegere ambtenaren van Bush gooien nu door elkaar om opprobrium te vermijden - om niet het risico van gevangenistijd te vermelden - dat zou voortvloeien uit misdadige vervolging. Deze week, Capitol Hill werd behandeld aan het schouwspel van Zand en Douglas Feith, een vroegere Rumsfeld protege die een architect van de invasie van Irak was, die zij aan zij vóór een subcomité van het Huis getuigt. In een vroeger gesprek met Zand, eiste Feith om „werkelijk een speler“ in de techniek van wettelijke alternerende actie te zijn aan de Overeenkomsten van Genève in Guantánamo. Vóór de commissie, verklaarde Feith zijn unerring steun voor Genève.

De stroom van commentaar op dit onderwerp zet in de was aangezien wij het eind van het voorzitterschap van Bush naderen. Kroniekschrijver Nicholas Kristof van de New York Times ging beter zijn medeexperts één die voorstellen, dat wat de behoeften van de V.S. de de Afrika-Stijl van het Zuiden Commissie van de Waarheid en van de Verzoening om door niet alleen de wettelijke overtredingen van de afgelopen acht jaar te sorteren, maar de politieke manipulaties eveneens is.

Hang op een ogenblik. Er is geen manier dat Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld of tweede en derde-rijenablers van marteling - Feiths en John Yoos - voor oorlogsmisdaden in de Verenigde Staten zullen worden vervolgd.

De hindernis voor vervolgingen is het ontbreken van een nationale consensus inzake de specifieke kwestie van marteling, of, meer over het algemeen de acties van het beleid van Bush betreffende verschrikking. Certainly there is a consensus that the Bush administration has been a disaster and that the Iraq war was a mistake. But this doesn’t apply to specific terrorism policies, on which the White House still has more or less a political blank check to do as it pleases. (Whether a majority of the public supports those policies is debatable, but Republicans still back Bush, and Democrats are still cowed by the risk of appearing soft on the issue.) See Kevin Drum on why this is not Watergate: a well of political support remains for Bush’s terror policies, “enhanced interrogation” among them.

The matter of criminal culpability lies several steps further on. Even if they concede that torture is a war crime and buy the practical arguments against it - that it generates false information, endangers US soldiers should they be taken prisoner and is disastrous for America’s image and diplomatic efforts - many Americans would still resist prosecuting officials whose motive was averting terror attacks.

This also goes deeper than politics. I hate to sound cynical, but Americans don’t have much interest in accountability, truth or reconciliation. Our national motto is “move on”. The buzzword of the decade is Stephen Colbert’s “truthiness”. Trials or commissions on war crimes would force a reckoning that many Americans don’t think is necessary and/or would simply rather not have.

However, those still hoping to see Bush and his associates in the dock might see promise in another feature of American culture: its disposability. What seems set in stone today, an immutable law of politics, almost certainly won’t be tomorrow. What once seemed an issue of high principle to many conservatives - embracing torture and defending Bush & Co - may quickly become passé once Bush leaves office and other issues come to dominate. The ideal condition for a successful prosecution is not a rising tide of outrage at Bush that would stoke the divisions in US society, but indifference.

Still, the most likely scenario for a torture prosecution is something like what happened to ex-Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. His own country wouldn’t touch him, but an industrious Spanish prosecutor - aided by the work of human rights activists and backed by international opinion - indicted him for torture and war crimes and nearly snared him. If Bush, Cheney or Rumsfeld faced a similar indictment from abroad, Americans would be outraged - but not really. The US government would try to head it off, but wouldn’t be able to do much. No one would actually go on trial, but the indictees would see their travel options humiliatingly curtailed and go to their graves knowing the phrase “charged with war crimes” will be next to their names in the history books.

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Have Your Say: The US will not prosecute Bush

One Response to “The US will not prosecute Bush”

  1. Ashley
    Posted: Jul 19th, 2008 at 10:15 pm

    If Bush, Cheney or Rumsfeld were indicted from abroad, surely we could just grab them, put them on a plane, stop off at Diego Garcia for a spot of refuelling and then take them to the country as required. I was under the impression that this was an accepted method of transport for suspected criminals\enemies of the state.

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