Ron Paul - Challenging the American Empire罗恩保罗-挑战美帝国

Ron Paul: The Only Presidential Candidate to Challenge the American Empire 夏保罗：唯一的总统候选人，以挑战美国的帝国

By David T. Beito and Scott Horton Flying under the radar of mainstream media coverage, supporters of Dr. Ron Paul, a seventy-two year old ten-term congressman and obstetrician from Texas, have staged a political revolution. 大卫汤匙，贝托和斯科特霍顿飞下雷达的主流媒体的报道，支持者博士罗恩保罗， 72年10岁中期众议员和产科医生从德克萨斯州，已发动政治革命。 Despite little publicity, they have raised over $15 million, mostly in small donations, giving Paul more money in the bank than John McCain. 尽管很少宣传，他们已经筹集资金超过1500万美元，主要是在小的捐款，让保罗更多的钱在银行比约翰麦凯恩。

In a November 5 “money bomb” (inspired by Guy Fawkes Day as depicted in the film, “V for Vendetta”) the Paul Revolutionaries raked in $4.3 million.在11月5日的"银弹" （灵感年Guy Fawkes一天描绘在影片中， "复仇者V " ） ，保罗革命家一共为430万美元。 In doing so, they set a new one-day record for all Republican candidates.在这样做时，他们成立一个新的单日纪录，为所有的共和党候选人。 In addition, Paul’s backers have spontaneously organized over 1,100 meet-up groups.此外，保罗的支持者纷纷自发组织了1100多会见了群体。 That’s more than any other candidate in the race including the youthful and photogenic Barak Obama.这比其他任何候选人，在正式比赛中，包括青春和镜头巴拉克奥巴马。 By all indications, most of the meet-up group members, now numbering over 60,000, are under age twenty-five.种种迹象表明，大部分的满足行动小组成员，目前有超过60000个，都是根据年龄25 。 Paul’s appeal can be attributed to his no-holds-barred small government, pro-liberty message as well as his consistent call to bring home the troops.保罗的呼吁，可以归因于他不主张时效小政府，有利于自由的讯息，以及他的一贯要求，即把首页部队。

Reporters are right to emphasize the wide gap between Paul and the pro-war Republican presidential field but they should not stop there.记者们也正确地强调了较大差距，保罗和亲战争共和党总统场，但他们不应该就此停止。 If they dig a little deeper, they will find that his disagreements with Democrats are equally great.如果他们挖一个小得更深一些，他们会发现他的分歧与民主党人都同样伟大。 Paul is the only candidate in either party who wants to shut down the entire American overseas political and military Empire.保罗是唯一的候选人中的任何一方谁要关闭整个美洲海外的政治和军事帝国。

Rather than “isolationist” in foreign policy, however, Paul embraces as his own Thomas Jefferson’s stated goal of “peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.” But, unlike our third president, Paul appears bound and determined to apply these words across-the-board.而不是"孤立主义"的外交政策，但是，保罗拥抱，因为他自己的托马斯杰弗逊的目标是"和平，商业和诚实的友谊与所有国家，错综复杂的联盟与无" ，但是不像我们的第三个总统保罗看来约束和决心把这些话一刀切。 His voting record shows a consistent support for free trade and legislation to redirect the military strictly to home defense rather than foreign occupation.他的投票纪录显示，一贯支持自由贸易和立法，以重定向军，从严治军，以家庭防卫，而不是外国占领。 The Democrats, by contrast, largely share the bi-partisan post-World War II consensus of spreading democracy, human rights, or “vital interests” by military force.民主派人士，与此相反，在很大程度上分享毕超党派战后世界的共识，推广民主，人权，还是"切身利益"的军事武力。

Few subscribe to this consensus more zealously than Democratic frontrunner Hillary Clinton who has considerable credentials as a hawk dating back to her husband’s administration.数订阅这个共识，更热情，比民主党站在希拉里的人已经有了很大的全权证书作为一个鹰派追溯到她丈夫的政府。 Most notably, she was an aggressive cheerleader for the bombing campaigns against both Iraq and Serbia in Kosovo.最值得注意的是，她是一个侵略啦啦队为轰炸活动，打击伊拉克和塞尔维亚在科索沃。 Paul, like many Republicans at the time, opposed both.保罗一样，许多共和党人在那个时候，反对两者。 Although Hillary later broke with Bush on Iraq, she rejects a non-interventionist approach.虽然希拉里爆发后，布什对伊拉克的，她拒绝采取不干预的态度。 She wants to leave US troops behind in Iraq to fight al Qaeda as well as keep them in the region.她要离开美国军队留在伊拉克以打击基地组织，以及让他们在该地区。 When asked in a recent debate whether she would promise that the troops would be home from Iraq by the end of her first term, Clinton refused.当问及在最近一次辩论中，她是否会答应说，撤军将是从伊拉克带回家， 到去年底，她的第一任期内，克林顿拒绝了。 Although Barak Obama opposed the war from the outset, his current views are not much different.虽然巴拉克奥巴马反对战争，从一开始，他目前的看法是没有多大的不同。 He also intends to station US forces permanently in the region and reserves the right to put them back in Iraq again in full force to stop “genocide” (a term he never defines).他还打算站美军长期在该地区保留权利，让他们回到伊拉克再次充分武力来制止"种族灭绝" （一任期内，他从来没有定义） 。 John Edwards advocates the same approach.约翰爱德华兹主张相同的做法。

While it is true that the Democrats are dovish on Iraq when compared to Bush, they blow bugles on the Darfur region of Sudan.虽然这是事实则是民主党鸽派对伊拉克的时候相比，布什说，他们打击bugles对苏丹的达尔富尔地区。 The frontrunners demand tougher sanctions, imposition of a no-fly zone, and US aid for more UN troops.该领先的需求更严厉的制裁，一个没有禁飞区，美国的援助，为更多的联合国部队。 Edwards pledges to work with NATO and deploy US “military assets” to enforce the zone.爱德华兹保证与北约和部署美国的"军事资产" ，以执行区。 Clinton has even suggested a blockade of the Port of Sudan, an act of war under international law.克林顿甚至有议员建议封锁港口的苏丹，是战争行为，根据国际法。 The truculence of the Democrats on Darfur defies logic given their objections to the Iraq War.该truculence的民主派人士对达尔富尔违背逻辑，他们反对伊拉克战争。 The same conditions apply in Darfur that also led to the Iraq quagmire including a history of Islamic sectarian strife, a long civil war, and no real tradition of the rule of law and democracy.同样的条件，适用于达尔富尔说，也导致了伊拉克的泥潭，其中包括历史上的伊斯兰派系争斗，长期内战，并没有实质的传统，法治和民主。 Despite widespread violence and Sunni fundamentalism in Sudan, there has never been a suicide bombing there.尽管普遍的暴力和逊尼派原教旨主义在苏丹，从未有过的自杀性爆炸事件。 Were the Democrats to spread the War on Terror into Darfur, that statistic would certainly change.被民主派人士散布在反恐战争进入达尔富尔，这统计肯定会改变。

Rather than avoid all foreign political entanglements, as would Paul, the Democratic frontrunners promise to extend them.而不是避免一切外国的政治纠葛，就如同保罗，民主党领先的诺言，以扩大他们。 All three, to quote Edwards, hope to exercise “American leadership to forge powerful alliances-with longtime allies and reluctant friends, with nations already living in the light of democracy and with peoples struggling to join them.” In contrast to Paul, they do not intend to scale down foreign American bases, much less reconsider the merits of George McGovern’s old dream to “Come Home America.” As Obama puts it, the United States “cannot afford to be a country of isolationists right now….we need to maintain a strong foreign policy, relentless in pursuing our enemies and hopeful in promoting our values around the world.” Woodrow Wilson could not have said it better.所有这三个，引述爱德华兹，希望演习" ，美国领导建立强大的联盟-长期盟国不愿朋友，与国家已经住在参照民主和与人民奋力加入他们的行列" 。相反，保罗，他们这样做不打算缩减外籍美国的基地，更不可能重新考虑乔治麦戈文的旧梦，以"回家的美国"作为奥巴马的说法，美国"决不能让自己成为一个国家的孤立主义者，现在…我们需要维持一个强大的外交政策，无情地追求我们的敌人，并希望在促进我们的价值观在世界各地" 。威尔逊不能说，它变得更好。

If Americans expect a “great debate” about foreign policy fundamentals in 2008, absent an upset by Paul and his campaign against the American empire and for free trade, they will not get it.如果美国人预期的"大辩论"关于外交政策的基本因素， 2008年缺席，爆出大冷门，由保罗和他的竞选对美国帝国和自由贸易的，他们是不会得到它。 That would be a pity.这将是一种遗憾。 As examples of “blowback” from previous and ongoing interventions continue to mount, such as spiraling oil prices, the free-fall in the value of the dollar, and the current strife in Pakistan and Kurdistan, Americans need such a debate more than ever before.作为例子， " blowback "从过去和当前的干预行动继续展开，如螺旋式油价格，自由降落在美元价值，而且目前内乱在巴基斯坦和库尔德斯坦，美国人民需要这样的辩论比以往任何时候更。

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