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Ron Paul die - het Amerikaanse Imperium uitdaagt

Dinsdag, 20 November, 2007

Ron Paul: De enige Presidentiële Kandidaat om het Amerikaanse Imperium uit te dagen

Door David T. Beito en Scott HortonVliegend onder de radar van heersende stromingsmedia dekking, verdedigers van Dr. Ron Paul, een tweeënzeventig éénjarigen tien-termijn congreslid en een verloskundige van Texas, hebben een politieke revolutie opgevoerd. Ondanks weinig publiciteit, hebben zij meer dan $15 miljoen, meestal in kleine schenkingen opgeheven, die Paul meer geld in de bank geven dan John McCain.

In 5 November „de geldbom“ (geïnspireerdg tegen de Dag van Fawkes van de Kerel zoals die in de film, „V voor Vendetta“ wordt afgeschilderd) Paul Revolutionaries harkte in $4.3 miljoen. Zo doende, plaatsen zij een nieuw eendaags verslag voor alle Republikeinse kandidaten. Bovendien hebben de steunen van Paul spontaan meer dan 1.100 ontmoeten-omhooggaande groepen georganiseerd. Dat is meer dan een andere kandidaat in het ras met inbegrip van youthful en fotogenieke Barak Obama. Door alle aanwijzingen, zijn de meeste die ontmoeten-omhooggaande groepsleden, nu meer dan 60.000 nummeren, onder leeftijd vijfentwintig. Het beroep van Paul kan aan zijn geen-houden-versperde kleine overheid, pro-vrijheidsbericht evenals zijn verenigbare vraag worden toegeschreven om de troepen naar huis te brengen.

De verslaggevers zijn juist om het brede hiaat tussen Paul en het pro-oorlogs Republikeinse presidentiële gebied te benadrukken maar zij zouden niet daar moeten ophouden. Als zij een weinig dieper graven, zullen zij vinden dat zijn meningsverschillen met Democraten even groot zijn. Paul is de enige kandidaat in één van beide partij die het volledige Amerikaanse politieke en militaire Imperium overzee wil sluiten.

Eerder dan „isolationist“ in buitenlands beleid, echter, omhelst Paul als zijn eigen verklaard doel van Thomas Jefferson's van „vrede, handel, en eerlijke vriendschap met alle naties, die allianties met niets verwarren.“ Maar in tegenstelling tot onze derde voorzitter, Paul lijkt verbindend en bepaald om deze algemene woorden toe te passen. Zijn stemmingsverslag toont een verenigbare steun voor vrijhandel en de wetgeving om militair aan huisdefensie eerder dan buitenlands beroep strikt opnieuw te richten. De democraten, door contrast, delen grotendeels tweeledige post-wereldOorlog II consensus van het uitspreiden van democratie, rechten van de mens, of „essentiële belangen“ door militaire kracht.

Weinigen tekenen aan deze consensus in zealously dan Democratische frontrunner Hillary Clinton die aanzienlijke geloofsbrieven als havik daterend terug naar het beleid van haar echtgenoot heeft. Het meest in het bijzonder, was zij een agressieve cheerleader voor de het bombarderen campagnes tegen zowel Irak als Servië in Kosovo. Paul, like many Republicans at the time, opposed both. Although Hillary later broke with Bush on Iraq, she rejects a non-interventionist approach. She wants to leave U.S. troops behind in Iraq to fight al Qaeda as well as keep them in the region. When asked in a recent debate whether she would promise that the troops would be home from Iraq by the end of her first term, Clinton refused. Although Barak Obama opposed the war from the outset, his current views are not much different. He also intends to station U.S. forces permanently in the region and reserves the right to put them back in Iraq again in full force to stop “genocide” (a term he never defines). John Edwards advocates the same approach.

While it is true that the Democrats are dovish on Iraq when compared to Bush, they blow bugles on the Darfur region of Sudan. The frontrunners demand tougher sanctions, imposition of a no-fly zone, and U.S. aid for more UN troops. Edwards pledges to work with NATO and deploy U.S. “military assets” to enforce the zone. Clinton has even suggested a blockade of the Port of Sudan, an act of war under international law. The truculence of the Democrats on Darfur defies logic given their objections to the Iraq War. The same conditions apply in Darfur that also led to the Iraq quagmire including a history of Islamic sectarian strife, a long civil war, and no real tradition of the rule of law and democracy. Despite widespread violence and Sunni fundamentalism in Sudan, there has never been a suicide bombing there. Were the Democrats to spread the War on Terror into Darfur, that statistic would certainly change.

Rather than avoid all foreign political entanglements, as would Paul, the Democratic frontrunners promise to extend them. All three, to quote Edwards, hope to exercise “American leadership to forge powerful alliances-with longtime allies and reluctant friends, with nations already living in the light of democracy and with peoples struggling to join them.” In contrast to Paul, they do not intend to scale down foreign American bases, much less reconsider the merits of George McGovern’s old dream to “Come Home America.” As Obama puts it, the United States “cannot afford to be a country of isolationists right now….we need to maintain a strong foreign policy, relentless in pursuing our enemies and hopeful in promoting our values around the world.” Woodrow Wilson could not have said it better.

If Americans expect a “great debate” about foreign policy fundamentals in 2008, absent an upset by Paul and his campaign against the American empire and for free trade, they will not get it. That would be a pity. As examples of “blowback” from previous and ongoing interventions continue to mount, such as spiraling oil prices, the free-fall in the value of the dollar, and the current strife in Pakistan and Kurdistan, Americans need such a debate more than ever before.

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This entry was posted on Tuesday, November 20th, 2007 at 12:25 am and is filed under Political News . You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
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