Put Impeachment Back on the Table提出彈劾案重上表
Chairman John Conyers 主席對布什的連任
House Judiciary Committee 內務司法委員會
US House of Representatives 美國國會眾議院
US Congress 美國國會
Washington, DC 20510Dear 20510Dear Chairman Conyers: 華盛頓20510dear 20510dear主席康亞斯:
Prominent Constitutional law experts believe President Bush has engaged in at least, five categories of repeated, defiant “high crimes and misdemeanors”, which separately or together would allow Congress to subject the President to impeachment under Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution. 突出的憲制性法律專家認為,布什總統已經進行了至少5個類別的反复,違抗"高罪和輕罪" ,其中單獨或共同將允許國會受總統彈劾案第二條規定,該條例第4條憲法。 The sworn oath of members of Congress is to uphold the Constitution. 該宣誓就職宣誓的美國國會議員,是維護憲法。 Failure of the members of Congress to pursue impeachment of President Bush is an affront to the founding fathers, the Constitution, and the people of the United States. 失敗的美國國會議員尋求支持彈劾布什總統是一種侮辱,創始憲法,以及美國人民。
In addition to a criminal war of aggression in Iraq, in violation of our constitution, statutes and treaties, there are the arrests of thousands of Americans and their imprisonment without charges, the spying on Americans without juridical warrant, systematic torture, and the unprecedented wholesale, defiant signing statements declaring that the President, in his unbridled discretion, is the law . 除了刑事侵華戰爭,在伊拉克,這違反了我國憲法,法規和條約,有逮捕成千上萬的美國人和他們被監禁在沒有受到指控,刺探美國人沒有司法令狀的,有系統的酷刑,和前所未有的批發,違抗簽署聲明,宣布總統,在他肆無忌憚的裁量權, 就是法律 。
In 2005, a plurality of the American people polled declared that they would favor impeachment of President Bush if it was shown that he did not tell the truth about the reasons for going to War in Iraq. 2005年,在多元化的美國受訪民眾中宣布,他們將贊成彈劾的美國總統布什,如果有人證明他沒有告訴真相為何要在伊拉克的戰爭。 Congress should use its authority under Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution to officially determine what President Bush knew before going to war in Iraq. 國會應該利用其權威第二條規定,該條例第4條憲法,以正式確定美國總統布什知道才去伊拉克戰爭。
Your files and retrieval systems are bulging with over-whelming evidence behind all these five categories. 你的檔案和檢索系統都是鼓脹與過度whelming證據背後所有這五個類別。 When constitutional duty combines with the available evidence, inaction amounts to a suppression of that evidence from constitutional implementation. 當憲法上的責任,並結合現有的證據,不採取行動無異於一場鎮壓的證據來自憲法的實施。
When the Democrats were heading for a net election gain in 2006 in the House of Representatives, many observers of presidential accountability entertained the hope that the Judiciary Committee, with its new chairman, would hold hearings on an impeachment resolution. No way! 當民主黨人標題為淨增益選舉於2006年在美國國會眾議院,許多觀察家總統問責受理,希望司法委員會主席,其新任主席,將舉行聽證會彈劾決議案。沒有出路! The next backup was the belief that there would an impeachment inquiry (fortified by your own op-ed in the The Washington Post ) No way! 下一個備份是信仰,有彈劾調查 (設防,由你自己的論壇版,在華盛頓郵報 ) ,沒有辦法! The next lowered expectation backup was just a hearing on impeachment urged by several of your present and former Congressional colleagues. 未來降低期望,備份只是一個聽證會彈劾催促下幾個你的現任和前任國會同僚。 So far, no way! 到目前為止,沒有辦法!
The fourth fallback was simply a hearing on the criminal and constitutional violations of Bush-Cheney by your Committee, as urged in a letter sent to you earlier this year by, among others, several of your former Congressional colleagues, including Senators George McGovern and James Abourezk, and Representatives Andy Jacobs and Paul Findley, along with Rocky Anderson, former mayor of Salt Lake City, and the undersigned. 第四退卻只是一個聽證會定於刑法和憲法的侵犯 ,布什和切尼,由貴委員會,敦促在致函給您今年早些時候,其中包括幾位你的前任國會同僚,其中包括參議員喬治麥戈文和詹姆斯阿布雷茲克,和代表安迪雅各布和保羅findley ,隨著岩石安德森,前任市長的鹽湖城,並在下面。 So far, no progress. 至目前為止,沒有任何進展。
There is another option: do nothing . 也有另一種選擇: 什麼也不做 。 Since January 2007 - the politically expedient option of doing nothing has triumphed . Volumes can and will be written, about what can go down as the most serious abdication of impeachment responsibilities by a Congress in its history. 自2007年1月-在政治上的權宜選擇什麼都不做已經獲勝。 卷可以,也一定會寫,怎樣才能走視為最嚴重的逃避彈劾責任,由國會在其歷史上的。 No other president has committed more systemic, repeated impeachable offenses, with such serious consequences to this country, its people, to Iraq, its people and the security of this nation before, than George W. Bush. 沒有其他阿薩德總統已經承諾更系統性,反复彈劾攻勢下,這種嚴重的後果,這個國家,其人民,向伊拉克,其人民的安全,這個國家之前,比布什的拒絕。 James Madison, Thomas Jefferson and their colleagues had just these kinds of monarchical abuses and violations in their framework of anticipation. 詹姆斯麥迪遜,傑佛遜和他們的同事剛剛這些種君權虐待和侵犯,在其框架的期待。
Declarations by Bush on the somber occasion of the fifth anniversary of the invasion of Iraq this past March 20, 2008 demonstrated his criminal, unconstitutional arrogance and his confidence that this Democratic Congress will continue to be cowed, continue its historic cowardliness, and continue to leave the American people without representation. 聲明對布什在低沉的五週年之際,對入侵伊拉克,這在過去08年3月20日展示了其刑事責任,違憲的傲慢與他的信心,這民主黨國會將繼續以所嚇倒,繼續其歷史使命,懦弱,並繼續休假美國人民沒有代表權。 Even should he unilaterally attack Iran. 即使要他單方面攻擊伊朗。 The Democratic Party has abandoned its critical role as an opposition Party in this and other serious matters. 民主黨放棄了至關重要的作用,作為一個反對黨在這方面及其他嚴重的問題。
In a January 6, 2008 op-ed in The Washington Post , former Senator George McGovern wrote an eloquently reasoned plea for the impeachment of George W. Bush. 在2008年1月6日論壇版,在華盛頓郵報 ,前參議員喬治麥戈文寫了一篇雄辯地理性的呼籲彈劾布什的拒絕。 More than two out of three polled Americans want out of Iraq, believing it was a costly mistake. 兩個多出的3個接受調查的美國人想帶出伊拉克,認為這是一個代價昂貴的錯誤。
Repeatedly during the past seven years, Mr. Bush has lectured the American people about “responsibility” and that actions with consequences must incur responsibility. 多次在過去七年中,布什已訓了美國人民對"責任" ,以及行動與後果必須承擔責任。
It is never too late to enforce the Constitution. 這是永遠不會太遲,以執行憲法。 It is never too late to uphold the rule of law. 這是永遠不會太遲,以維護法治。 It is never too late to awaken the Congress to its sworn duties under the Constitution. 這是永遠不會太遲,要喚醒國會宣誓就職,其職責,根據憲法。 But it will soon be too late to avoid the searing verdict of history when on January 21, 2009, George W. Bush becomes a fugitive from a justice that was never invoked by those in Congress so solely authorized to hold the President accountable. 但它很快就為時已晚,以避免烤乾了為歷史翻案的時候,對2009年1月21日,布什成為逃犯,從司法,這是從來沒有引用那些在國會如此純粹授權舉行總統負責。
Is this the massive Bush precedent you and your colleagues wish to convey to presidential successors who may be similarly tempted to establish themselves above and beyond the rule of law? 這是大規模布什的先例,您和您的同事希望轉達總統的繼任者,可同樣的誘惑,建立自己凌架及以後的法治?
Is this the way you and your colleagues wish to be remembered by the American people? 這條路,你和你的同事們想記住美國人民嗎?
Sincerely, 真誠的,
Ralph Nader 納德
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