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How to Find out the Hidden Secrets of the Bush Administration如何找出隱藏的秘密布什政府

Monday, December 1st, 2008 星期一, 2008年12月一號

In March 2001, US Archivist John W. Carlin received a letter from Alberto Gonzales, then counsel to the newly inaugurated president George W. Bush. 2001年3月,美國約翰W檔案卡林收到了一封來自阿爾韋托岡薩雷斯,然後律師向新上任的布什總統。 It concerned an important deadline that was looming — one that Bush owed to Richard Nixon.它涉及一個重要的截止日期是迫在眉睫的-一,布什欠理查德尼克松。

In 1974, Congress ordered a lockdown on all records kept by the Nixon White House, afraid that the outgoing president would try to wipe out the paper trail of his disastrous second term and chastened by the recent destruction of decades’ worth of FBI files by the late director J. Edgar Hoover’s loyal secretary.在1974年,美國國會下令封鎖所有記錄尼克松白宮,恐怕即將離任的總統將設法消滅文件線索,他災難性的第二個任期內和352個,最近數十年來銷毀價值的美國聯邦調查局檔案的已故導演學者埃德加胡佛的忠實秘書。 That order was expanded four years later into a law requiring that all presidents’ papers — everything from briefings to personal notes and everyday communications between the president, vice president, and their staffers — be handed over to the National Archives twelve years after their terms ended for eventual public release.這是為了擴大,四年後變成了一項法律,要求所有美國總統文件-從簡報,個人筆記和日常生活之間的通信總統,副總統,他們的員工-移交給國家檔案館12年後,他們的任期結束最終公佈。 Ronald Reagan was the first chief executive to whom the Presidential Records Act applied, and his papers were due to be turned over to Carlin at the beginning of Bush’s term.裡根第一任行政長官的人的總統記錄法適用,他的論文,應移交給卡林在年初布什總統的任期。

Gonzales wanted Carlin to delay the release until June.岡薩雷斯希望卡林推遲到6月釋放。 His letter didn’t say why, but Carlin agreed.他的信中沒有說明為什麼,但卡林表示同意。 Then in June, Carlin got another memo from Gonzales — Bush’s attorney now wanted until the end of August.然後在6月,卡林了另一個備忘錄岡薩雷斯-布什的律師現在想在八月底之前。 Carlin agreed again.卡林同意了。 The extensions continued until November, when Bush issued an executive order: effective immediately, the release of presidential records would require the approval of both the sitting president and the president whose records were in question, rather than just the former.擴展一直持續到11月,當布什簽發的行政命令:立即生效,釋放總統記錄將需要批准的現任總統和總統的記錄問題,而不只是前者。 It was what open-government advocates would later describe as a two-key system: under Bush’s rule, Nixon could have buried the Watergate tapes without explaining himself to anyone.這是什麼開放政府主張後來形容為兩個主要系統:根據布什總統的統治下,尼克松可能埋葬的水帶沒有解釋自己的人。

Bush’s executive order had little to do with any concerns of Reagan himself, whose estate has since shared his papers enthusiastically.布什的行政命令,幾乎沒有做任何關注的裡根總統本人,他自房地產他的論文的共同熱情。 Some administration critics theorized at the time that Bush was trying to shield from scrutiny his father’s vice presidential records, which were among the Reagan White House documents — but ultimately it wasn’t really about George HW Bush, either.一些管理理論批評的時候,布什是在試圖庇護從審查他的父親的副總統的記錄,這是裡根白宮文件-但最終沒有真正的喬治H W布什,無論是。 It was about the new president and vice president, and the kind of government they intended to run.這是對新的總統和副總統,以及什麼樣的政府,他們打算運行。 Bill Clinton’s White House had been relatively obliging in matters of secrecy, handing over millions of pages of documents — down to the White House Christmas card list — when Congress demanded them.克林頓政府的白宮已責成在相對保密的事項,交出數百萬頁的文件-下降到白宮聖誕賀卡名單-當美國國會要求他們。 Things would be different under Bush.事情將根據布什總統不同。 “I think they thought Clinton was too open, had caved in to Congress too much,” Carlin says. “我想他們認為克林頓是過於開放,已經塌陷國會太多, ”卡林說。 “It was a different philosophy.” “這是一個不同的哲學。 ”

Gonzales’s March 2001 memo was the opening salvo in a war over information, one that began in the earliest days of the Bush administration and will continue beyond its end.岡薩雷斯的備忘錄於2001年3月的開幕式禮炮在戰爭的信息,一開始之初,布什政府將繼續超出其結束。 The stakes, which no one could have predicted when the letter crossed Carlin’s desk, are now self-evidently enormous: when Bush hands over the keys to the White House in January, he will leave behind more unanswered questions of sweeping national importance than any modern president.事關重大,這沒有人能夠預料的信時,越過卡林的辦公桌,現在言自明巨大的:當布什手中的鑰匙,白宮在1月份,他將留下更多的懸而未決的問題的席捲全國的重要性比任何現代總統。 We still do not know how intelligence operatives, acting in the name of the United States, have interrogated suspected terrorists, and how they are interrogating them now.我們仍然不知道如何情報人員,的名義行事,美國的審訊恐怖分子嫌疑人,以及他們是如何審問他們現在。

We do not know how many Americans’ phone calls and e-mails were scanned by the National Security Agency.我們不知道有多少美國人的電話和電子郵件被掃描的美國國家安全局。 We do not know — although we can guess — who ordered the firings of the US attorneys who didn’t comply with the Bush administration’s political agenda, and we do not know who may have been wrongly prosecuted by those who did.我們不知道-儘管我們可以猜測-誰下令解職的美國律師誰不符合布什政府的政治議程,我們不知道誰可能已被錯誤起訴的人誰沒有。 There are large gaps in our understanding of the backstories to everything from pre-war intelligence in Iraq to the censoring of scientific opinion at the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of the Interior.有很大的差距,我們了解backstories一切從戰前伊拉克情報的審查意見的科學在環境保護署和內政部。 And those are the things we know we don’t know — there are also what Donald Rumsfeld might call the unknown unknowns.而這些事情我們知道,我們不知道-還有什麼唐納德拉姆斯菲爾德可能要求未知的未知數。

The thought of revisiting this history after living through it for eight years is exhausting, and both President Barack Obama and Congress will have every political reason to just move on.想到重溫這段歷史後,通過它生活了8年的消耗,同時奧巴馬總統和國會將有充分的政治理由只是繼續前進。 But we can’t — it’s too important.但是,我們不能-這是太重要了。 Fortunately, an accounting of the Bush years is a less daunting prospect than it seems from the outset.幸運的是,一個會計布什歲是一個不太可怕的前景似乎比從一開始。 If the new president and leaders on Capitol Hill act shrewdly, they can pull it off while successfully navigating the political realities and expectations they now face.如果新的總統和領導人在國會山的行為巧妙,他們可以把它關閉,同時成功駕馭的政治現實和期望,他們現在的臉。 A few key actions will take us much of the distance between what we know and what we need to know.有幾個關鍵行動將使我們的大部分之間的距離我們所知道的和我們所需要知道的。

Three months after Bush issued his presidential records order, a Justice Department attorney named Anne Weismann stood in front of Judge Emmet Sullivan in Washington’s district court.三個月後,布什發表他的總統記錄秩序,司法部命名的律師安妮魏斯曼站在法官埃米特沙利文在華盛頓地區法院。 Weismann was defending Dick Cheney’s refusal to hand over the records from the energy task force meetings he had convened the previous year, which had prompted a lawsuit by the conservative legal group Judicial Watch and the Sierra Club.魏斯曼是捍衛切尼拒絕交出記錄的能源工作組會議,他召開了由前一年,這促使了訴訟的法律組保守的司法觀察和塞拉俱樂部。 Sullivan was irate.沙利文是憤怒。 “I get the feeling the government’s underestimating the seriousness of this case,” he told Weismann. “我覺得政府低估的嚴重性,這種情況下, ”他告訴魏斯曼。

Weismann had been a Justice lawyer for twenty years, and had appeared often in Sullivan’s court.魏斯曼了司法部的律師20年,並經常出現在蘇利文的法院。 But this case was different.但是這種情況卻有所不同。 “I’ve never seen him that angry — he wouldn’t even let me talk,” she recalled recently. “我從來沒有見過他,生氣-他甚至沒有讓我說話, ”她回憶最近。 The encounter made her rethink what she was doing.在遭遇,使她重新考慮她在幹什麼。 Weismann still believes that there were limited legal arguments to make in defense of keeping the energy task force records secret.魏斯曼仍然認為,有有限的法律論據,使國防保持能源工作組記錄的秘密。 But what drove Cheney was something bigger.但是,切尼將是更大的東西。 The case would ultimately wind its way to the Supreme Court, after Cheney’s legal team claimed to Sullivan that executive privilege meant the White House didn’t have to hand over anything to the courts if he didn’t feel like it.該案件最終將風方式向最高法院提出上訴後,切尼的律師團聲稱沙利文認為行政特權意味著白宮沒有交出任何東西向法院提起訴訟,如果他不覺得喜歡它。 But by the time the Supreme Court ruled in Cheney’s favor, Weismann was no longer representing the vice president.但是,當時最高法院裁定在切尼的青睞,魏斯曼已不再代表副總裁。 The day Sullivan read her the riot act in district court, she says, “was the point at which I said, ‘I have to stop doing this.’ ”這一天蘇利文宣讀她的騷亂行為區法院,她說: “是點上,我說, '我必須停止這樣做。 ”

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