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Les documents indiquent la poussée de P.R. pour des résultats précédés par guerre de l'Irak Intel

Lundi 25 août 2008

Par Nick Juliano | Les nouveaux documents au sein de la communauté d'administration de Bush et d'intelligence des USA pendant le point fixe à l'invasion de l'Irak indiquent que la Maison Blanche a commencé à assembler un point de droit pour la guerre avant qu'elle ait compilé Intel qui a en apparence formé la base de ce cas.

A nouveau rapport sur les documents de George Washington de l'université de la sécurité nationale d'archives des présents également contraignant l'évidence que l'administration de Bush a pressurisé la CIA et d'autres agences d'intelligence pour concevoir en fonction leurs rapports le désir de secours de Bush d'envahir. Le rapport suggère que la partie de cet effort ait été courue hors du bureau de vice-président Dick Cheney, soutien nombreux d'autres examens d'après-guerre du chemin à l'invasion qui a vu Cheney en tant qu'esprit supérieure du plan pour évincer Saddam Hussein.

Les archives ont édité une traite du juillet 2002 d'une CIA « livre blanc » sur les armes de l'Irak de la destruction de masse. L'ébauche a été préparée des mois avant une évaluation nationale d'intelligence sur le régime de Saddam, que le congrès n'a pas exigé jusqu'à septembre, bien que « le livre blanc » final ait libéré en octobre soi-disant récapitulé cela très pays récemment industrialisé.

En plus des documents nouvellement obtenus des archives, Dr. John Prados, qui a compilé le rapport, a examiné des investigations précédentes sur la manipulation d'avant-guerre d'intelligence rhétorique d'avant-guerre et livres sur d'administration de la « phase II » telles que de sénat d'intelligence Comité récemment réalisé rapport fonctionnaires' sur le sujet tel que l'ancien mémoire de Scott McClellan de porte-parole de la Maison Blanche.

Il a conclu, essentiellement, que la cerise d'administration de Bush a sélectionné l'intelligence de justifier une invasion, que le gouvernement britannique de Tony Blair était complicit en produisant l'intelligence précaire sur les WMD de Saddam, que les chiffres d'administration - particulièrement Cheney - ont pressurisé la CIA pour les donner ce qu'ils ont voulu, et que l'intelligence dégageant le point de droit pour la guerre a été ignorée en faveur des sources moins fiables qui ont soutenu la croyance d'administration.

• Le rapport de la phase II sur des rapports publics d'administration de Bush, en même temps que le rapport original du juillet 2004 du SSCI sur les armes alléguées de l'Irak de la destruction de masse, indique que la manipulation politique s'est prolongée au delà de l'intelligence elle-même d'affecter la recherche sur les échecs d'intelligence sur l'Irak aussi bien que l'utilisation d'administration de Bush de cette information.
• En même temps que d'autres matériaux récemment déclassés, le rapport de la phase II prouve que l'administration de Bush a sollicité l'intelligence puis utilisée « justifient » ses réclamations publiques.
• A recently declassified draft of the CIA’s October 2002 white paper on Iraqi WMD programs demonstrates that that paper long pre-dated the compilation of the National Intelligence Estimate on Iraqi capabilities.
• The timing of the CIA’s draft white paper coincides with a previously available draft of the British Government’s white paper on Iraqi WMD, demonstrating that the Bush administration and the Tony Blair government began acting in concert to build support for an invasion of Iraq two to three months earlier than previously understood.
• A comparison of the CIA draft white paper with its publicly released edition shows that all the changes made were in the nature of strengthening its charges against Iraq by inserting additional alarming claims, in the manner of an advocacy, or public relations document. The draft and final papers show no evidence of intelligence analysis applied to the information contained. Similar comparison of the British white paper shows the same phenomenon at work.
• Declassified Pentagon documents demonstrate that the CIA white paper was modified in ways that conformed to the desires of the Undersecretary of Defense for Policy and his office, in much the same way that British documents indicate that country’s white paper was changed to conform to the desires of the Blair government.

The CIA was under enormous pressure, which resulted in its production of a White Paper that did not conform to the facts, according to the report.

“Under the circumstances, it is difficult to avoid the impression that the CIA and other intelligence agencies defended themselves against the dangers of attack from the Bush administration through a process of self-censorship,” Prados writes. “That is the very essence of politicization in intelligence.”

He goes on to report that CIA reports had “the character of rhetoric” and did not reflect “the kind of approach characteristic of intelligence analysis.”
The Archive’s report backs up similar contentions that first came to light with release of the Downing Street memo in 2005 and have been reinforced in scores of books and investigative articles. Most recently, investigative journalist Ron Suskind reported in his new book The Way of the World that the British government was secretly in contact before the invasion with the chief of Iraq’s intelligence services who told them unequivocally that Saddam Hussein did not have weapons stockpiles. That revelation — received in plenty of time to delay the invasion — was ignored, Suskind wrote.

Prados reports on other sources the CIA had developed among scientists in Iraq and within Saddam’s foreign minister. Information they provided was ignored in favor of what was later revealed to be untrue exaggerations passed along by Iraqi exiles.

The White Paper went through several drafts, Prados writes, and it is clear to see the administration’s influence in its preparation.

“The net impression is that the CIA white paper was rewritten to conform to administration preferences. If so, U.S. intelligence a priori made itself a tool of a political effort, vitiating the intelligence function and confirming the presence of a politicized process,” he writes. “The specific analytic failures on Iraq intelligence become much less significant in such a climate, especially in that they all yielded intelligence predictions of exactly the kind the Bush administration wanted to hear.”

FULL ANALYSIS AT THIS LINK



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