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Zaterdag, 7 Juni, 2008

Door John Walcott | Counterintelligence van de Afdeling van de defensie de onderzoekers verdachten dat de Iraanse ballingschap die dubieuze intelligentie op Irak en Iran aan een kleine groep de ambtenaren verstrekten van het Pentagoon „als agenten van de buitenlandse intelligentiedienst zouden kunnen gebruikt te zijn… om te bereiken in en de hoogste niveaus van de V.S. te beïnvloeden. de overheid, een“ rapport van het Comité van de Intelligentie van de Senaat zei hoogste assistent Thursday.A aan toen-secretaresse van defensie Donald H. Rumsfeld, echter, gesloten het onderzoek van 2003 van de ambtenaren van het Pentagoon' activiteiten na slechts een maand, en het hoogste messing van de Afdeling van de Defensie volgde nooit op de onderzoekers' op aanbeveling voor een grondiger onderzoek, het bovengenoemde rapport van de Senaat.

De revelatie stelt vragen over of Iran kleine cabal van ambtenaren in het Pentagoon en in het bureau van Ondervoorzitter kan gebruikt hebben Dick Cheney om valse intelligentie op Irak en Iran aan hogere beleidsvormers in het beleid van Bush te voeden die enthousiast waren om de Iraakse dictator te verdringen.

Iran, dat een dodelijke vijand van Iraakse dictator Saddam Hussein was en een bloedige achtjarenoorlog met Irak tijdens van hem regeert bestreed, is de primaire begunstigde van de V.S. geweest. beleid in Irak, waar de Iraans-Gesteunde groepen nu veel van de overheid en de veiligheidskrachten in werking stellen.

Het geaborteerde counterintelligence onderzoek sondeerde sommige ambtenaren' contacten van het Pentagoon met Iraans ballingschap Manucher Ghorbanifar, dat de CIA een „fabricator“ in 1984 had geëtiketteerde. Die contacten waren brokered door een Amerikaanse burger, Michael Ledeen, een vroeger Pentagoon en een Nationale Adviseur van de Veiligheidsraad en een belangrijke verdediger van binnenvallend Irak en het omverwerpen van het Islamitische regime van Iran.

Volgens het rapport van de Senaat, besloot de Counterintelligence van het Pentagoon eenheid van de Activiteit van het Gebied in 2003 dat Ledeen „waarschijnlijk onwetend van om het even welke counterintelligence kwesties met betrekking tot zijn verhouding met M. was. Ghorbanifar.“

De counterintelligence eenheid zei, echter, dat de vereniging van Ledeen met Ghorbanifar „wijd gekend was, en daarom zou het andere buitenlandse intelligentiediensten, met inbegrip van die van Iran moeten worden verondersteld, zou het weten.“

Stephen Cambone, toen de ondersecretaris van defensie voor intelligentie, sloot het counterintelligence onderzoek na slechts een maand, het bovengenoemde rapport van de Senaat.

Het rapport van de Senaat zei dat de ambtenaren van het Pentagoon nooit op de onderzoekers' aanbeveling voor een uitvoerige analyse opvolgden van of Ghorbanifar of zijn vennoten „aan direct of onrechtstreeks invloed of toegang de V.S. probeerden. overheids ambtenaren.“

De counterintelligence onderzoekers adviseerden die V.S. officials attempt “to map Ghorbanifar’s relationship within Iranian elite social networks and, if possible, his contacts with other governments and/or intelligence organizations,” but that effort was never undertaken.

The Senate committee also found that Pentagon officials concealed the contacts with Ghorbanifar from the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Pentagon officials also provided Senate investigators with an inaccurate account of events and, with support from two unnamed officials in Cheney’s office, continued meeting with Ghorbanifar after contact with him was officially ordered to stop.

The first meetings with Ghorbanifar, which were disclosed in August 2003 by the Long Island, N.Y., newspaper Newsday, took place in Rome in December 2001. They were attended by two Pentagon Iran experts, Harold Rhode and Larry Franklin; by an Italian military intelligence official, and by Ledeen.

On the Iranian side were Ghorbanifar, an unidentified Iranian exile from Morocco and an alleged Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps defector.

Among other things, the Iranians told the Americans about:

• Iranian “hit teams” they said were targeting U.S. personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.
• What they claimed was Shiite Muslim Iran’s longstanding relationship with the secular Palestine Liberation Organization.
• “Tunnel complexes in Iran for weapons storage or exfiltration of regime leaders,” and about the alleged growth of anti-regime sentiment in Iran.

Franklin, who, in an unrelated matter, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to prison in 2006 for providing classified information on Iran policy to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, passed the information about the alleged Iranian hit squads to a U.S. Special Forces commander in Afghanistan. Although a DIA analyst told the Senate committee that he couldn’t speculate on whether the information had been “truly useful,” Ledeen and Pentagon officials claimed it saved American lives, the committee said.During the Rome meetings, Ghorbanifar also laid out a scheme to overthrow the Iranian regime on a napkin during a late night meeting in a bar. “The plan,” said the Senate committee, “involved the simultaneous disruption of traffic at key intersections leading to Tehran that would create anxiety, work stoppages and other disruptive measures” in a capital city famous for its traffic congestion.

Ghorbanifar asked for $5 million in seed money, Franklin told the committee, and indicated that if the traffic jam plan succeeded, he’d need additional money.

“The proposed funding for, and foreign involvement in, Mr. Ghorbanifar’s plan for regime change were never fully understood,” the Senate committee said.

Nevertheless, Ghorbanifar’s proposals grew more ambitious — and expensive. A February 2002 memo from Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter Rodman referred to an unnamed foreign government’s support for a Ghorbanifar plan that would cost millions of dollars. A later summary referred to contracts “that would assure oil and gas sales in the event of regime change”. The U.S. ambassador to Italy said that DOD officials “were talking about 25 million for some kind of Iran program.”

After Franklin and Rhode returned from the Rome meetings, the Senate report said, two series of events began to unfold in Washington that were typical of the gamesmanship that plagued the Bush administration’s national security team.

“First,” the report said, “State Department and CIA officials attempted to determine what Mr. Ledeen and the DOD representatives had done in Rome, and second, DOD officials debated the next course of action.”

When the CIA and the State Department discovered that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar were involved, they opposed any further contact with the two. Ledeen’s contacts, the Defense Human Intelligence Service concluded, were “nefarious and unreliable,” the Senate committee reported.

According to the report, Ledeen, however, persisted, presenting then-Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith with a new 100-day plan to provide, among other things, evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that supposedly had been moved to Iran — Saddam Hussein’s archenemy. This time, the report said, Ledeen solicited support from former speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich and from three then-GOP senators, Sam Brownback of Kansas, Jon Kyl of Arizona and Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania.

Rhode and Ghorbanifar met again in Paris in June 2003 with at least the tacit approval of an official in Cheney’s office, the Senate report said.

He reported back to officials in the Pentagon and the vice president’s office, but “there is no indication that the information collected during the Paris meeting was shared with the Intelligence Community for a determination of potential intelligence value,” the report said.

McClatchy Newspapers 2008

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