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토요일, 2008년 6월 7일

에 의하여 죤 Walcott | 국방부 방첩 조사자는 펜타곤 관리의 작은 그룹에 이라크와 이란에 반신반의하는 정보를 제공한 이란 망명이 해외 정보 서비스의 대리인으로로 도달하고 미국의 상부를 좌우하는 "… 사용될지도 모르다는 것을 의심했다. 정부는 방위 Donald H.의 그때 비서에게," 상원 정보 위원회 보고 Thursday.A 최고 측근을 밝혔다. Rumsfeld는, 그러나, 펜타곤 관리로 2003년 수사를' 달 후에 활동 끄고, 국방부의 군고위장성은 더 철저한 수사를 위한 조사자에 결코' 권고 철저히 구명하지 않았다, 상원 보고는 밝혔다.

폭로는 이란이 펜타곤과 부통령 사무실에서 딕 체니 관리의 작은 음모단을 이라크 독재자를 내쫓게 열망한 부시 행정부에 있는 고위 정책 입안자에게 이라크와 이란에 모조 정보를 먹이는 사용할지도 모른ㄴ다는 것을 대략 제기한다.

이라크 독재자의 Saddam Hussein 치명적인 적이고 그의 지배 동안에 이라크를 가진 살벌한 eight-year 전쟁을 겪은, 이란은 계속 미국의 1 차 수익자이다. 이란 역행된 그룹이 지금 정부 및 보안 부대의 다량을 달리는 이라크에 있는 정책.

유산한 방첩 수사는 펜타곤 몇몇 관리' CIA에 의하여 1984년에 "날조자이라고" 레테르를 붙였었던 이란 망명 ManucherGhorbanifar와 의 접촉 시험하다. 그 접촉은 미국 민간인, 마이클 Ledeen, 이라크를 침입하고 이란의 이슬람교 정권 전복하기의 펜타곤과 국가 안보 회의 이전 고문 및 주요한 옹호자에 의해 중개되었다.

상원 보고에 따르면, 펜타곤의 방첩 분야 활동 단위는 2003년에 Ledeen가 "아마 씨와 가진 그 관계와 관련있는 어떤 방첩 문제점든지의 부지중 이었다는 것을 단정했다. Ghorbanifar."

방첩 단위는 밝혔다, 그러나 Ghorbanifar와의 Ledeen의 협회가 "넓게 알려졌다, 그리고 그러므로 한다 이란의 그들을 포함하여 다른 해외 정보 서비스이라고, 추정되어야, 알 것입니다."

Stephen Cambone, 그 후에 정보를 위한 국방부 차관은 달 후에, 방첩 수사를 껐다, 상원 보고는 밝혔다.

상원 보고는 펜타곤 관리가 조사자' 포괄적 분석을 위한 권고에 결코의 직접적으로에 "또는 간접적으로 재판된 Ghorbanifar 또는 그의 동료 좌우하거나 접근한다는 것을 미국을 철저히 구명하지 않았다는 것을 밝혔다. 정부 관리."

방첩 조사자는 저 미국을 추천했다. officials attempt “to map Ghorbanifar’s relationship within Iranian elite social networks and, if possible, his contacts with other governments and/or intelligence organizations,” but that effort was never undertaken.

The Senate committee also found that Pentagon officials concealed the contacts with Ghorbanifar from the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Pentagon officials also provided Senate investigators with an inaccurate account of events and, with support from two unnamed officials in Cheney’s office, continued meeting with Ghorbanifar after contact with him was officially ordered to stop.

The first meetings with Ghorbanifar, which were disclosed in August 2003 by the Long Island, N.Y., newspaper Newsday, took place in Rome in December 2001. They were attended by two Pentagon Iran experts, Harold Rhode and Larry Franklin; by an Italian military intelligence official, and by Ledeen.

On the Iranian side were Ghorbanifar, an unidentified Iranian exile from Morocco and an alleged Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps defector.

Among other things, the Iranians told the Americans about:

• Iranian “hit teams” they said were targeting U.S. personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.
• What they claimed was Shiite Muslim Iran’s longstanding relationship with the secular Palestine Liberation Organization.
• “Tunnel complexes in Iran for weapons storage or exfiltration of regime leaders,” and about the alleged growth of anti-regime sentiment in Iran.

Franklin, who, in an unrelated matter, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to prison in 2006 for providing classified information on Iran policy to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, passed the information about the alleged Iranian hit squads to a U.S. Special Forces commander in Afghanistan. Although a DIA analyst told the Senate committee that he couldn’t speculate on whether the information had been “truly useful,” Ledeen and Pentagon officials claimed it saved American lives, the committee said.During the Rome meetings, Ghorbanifar also laid out a scheme to overthrow the Iranian regime on a napkin during a late night meeting in a bar. “The plan,” said the Senate committee, “involved the simultaneous disruption of traffic at key intersections leading to Tehran that would create anxiety, work stoppages and other disruptive measures” in a capital city famous for its traffic congestion.

Ghorbanifar asked for $5 million in seed money, Franklin told the committee, and indicated that if the traffic jam plan succeeded, he’d need additional money.

“The proposed funding for, and foreign involvement in, Mr. Ghorbanifar’s plan for regime change were never fully understood,” the Senate committee said.

Nevertheless, Ghorbanifar’s proposals grew more ambitious — and expensive. A February 2002 memo from Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter Rodman referred to an unnamed foreign government’s support for a Ghorbanifar plan that would cost millions of dollars. A later summary referred to contracts “that would assure oil and gas sales in the event of regime change”. The U.S. ambassador to Italy said that DOD officials “were talking about 25 million for some kind of Iran program.”

After Franklin and Rhode returned from the Rome meetings, the Senate report said, two series of events began to unfold in Washington that were typical of the gamesmanship that plagued the Bush administration’s national security team.

“First,” the report said, “State Department and CIA officials attempted to determine what Mr. Ledeen and the DOD representatives had done in Rome, and second, DOD officials debated the next course of action.”

When the CIA and the State Department discovered that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar were involved, they opposed any further contact with the two. Ledeen’s contacts, the Defense Human Intelligence Service concluded, were “nefarious and unreliable,” the Senate committee reported.

According to the report, Ledeen, however, persisted, presenting then-Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith with a new 100-day plan to provide, among other things, evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that supposedly had been moved to Iran — Saddam Hussein’s archenemy. This time, the report said, Ledeen solicited support from former speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich and from three then-GOP senators, Sam Brownback of Kansas, Jon Kyl of Arizona and Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania.

Rhode and Ghorbanifar met again in Paris in June 2003 with at least the tacit approval of an official in Cheney’s office, the Senate report said.

He reported back to officials in the Pentagon and the vice president’s office, but “there is no indication that the information collected during the Paris meeting was shared with the Intelligence Community for a determination of potential intelligence value,” the report said.

McClatchy Newspapers 2008

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