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Sábado 7 de junio de 2008

Por Juan Walcott | Los investigadores de la contrainteligencia del departamento de la defensa sospecharon que los exilios iraníes que proporcionaron inteligencia dudosa en Iraq e Irán a un grupo pequeño de funcionarios del pentágono se pudieron “haber utilizado como agentes de un servicio de inteligencia extranjera… para alcanzar en y para influenciar los niveles más altos de los E.E.U.U. el gobierno,” un informe del comité de la inteligencia del senado dijo a ayudante superior de Thursday.A a la entonces-secretaria de la defensa Donald H. Rumsfeld, sin embargo, cerró la investigación 2003 en los funcionarios del pentágono las' actividades después solamente de un mes, y el latón superior del departamento de la defensa nunca seguido en recomendación de los investigadores' para una investigación más cuidadosa, el informe del senado dicho.

La revelación plantea preguntas alrededor si Irán pudo haber utilizado un cabal pequeño de funcionarios en el pentágono y en oficina de vice presidente Dick Cheney para alimentar inteligencia falsa en Iraq e Irán a los policymakers mayores en la administración de Bush que eran impacientes expulsar al dictador iraquí.

Irán, que era un enemigo mortal de dictador iraquí Saddam Hussein y luchó una guerra de ocho años sangrienta con Iraq durante su reinado, ha sido el beneficiario primario de los E.E.U.U. la política en Iraq, en donde Iraní-movió hacia atrás los grupos ahora funciona mucha del gobierno y de las fuerzas de la seguridad.

La investigación abortada de la contrainteligencia sondó contactos a algunos funcionarios del pentágono los' con el exilio iraní Manucher Ghorbanifar, que la Cia había etiquetado un “fabricante” en 1984. Esos contactos eran brokered por un civil americano, Michael Ledeen, un consultor del consejo del pentágono anterior y de la seguridad nacional y un abogado principal de invadir Iraq y de derrocar el régimen islámico de Irán.

Según el informe del senado, la unidad de la actividad del campo de la contrainteligencia del pentágono concluyó en 2003 que Ledeen “era probablemente involuntario de cualquier edición de la contrainteligencia relacionada con su relación con Sr. Ghorbanifar.”

La unidad de la contrainteligencia dicha, sin embargo, que la asociación de Ledeen con Ghorbanifar “era sabida extensamente, y por lo tanto debe ser presumido otros servicios de inteligencia extranjera, incluyendo los de Irán, sabría.”

Stephen Cambone, entonces el subsecretario de la defensa para la inteligencia, cerró la investigación de la contrainteligencia después solamente de un mes, el informe del senado dicho.

El informe del senado dijo que los funcionarios del pentágono nunca siguieron en los investigadores' recomendación para un análisis comprensivo de si Ghorbanifar o sus asociados intentados “influencian o tienen acceso a directamente o indirectamente a los E.E.U.U. oficiales del gobierno.”

Los investigadores de la contrainteligencia recomendaron que los E.E.U.U. officials attempt “to map Ghorbanifar’s relationship within Iranian elite social networks and, if possible, his contacts with other governments and/or intelligence organizations,” but that effort was never undertaken.

The Senate committee also found that Pentagon officials concealed the contacts with Ghorbanifar from the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Pentagon officials also provided Senate investigators with an inaccurate account of events and, with support from two unnamed officials in Cheney’s office, continued meeting with Ghorbanifar after contact with him was officially ordered to stop.

The first meetings with Ghorbanifar, which were disclosed in August 2003 by the Long Island, N.Y., newspaper Newsday, took place in Rome in December 2001. They were attended by two Pentagon Iran experts, Harold Rhode and Larry Franklin; by an Italian military intelligence official, and by Ledeen.

On the Iranian side were Ghorbanifar, an unidentified Iranian exile from Morocco and an alleged Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps defector.

Among other things, the Iranians told the Americans about:

• Iranian “hit teams” they said were targeting U.S. personnel and facilities in Afghanistan.
• What they claimed was Shiite Muslim Iran’s longstanding relationship with the secular Palestine Liberation Organization.
• “Tunnel complexes in Iran for weapons storage or exfiltration of regime leaders,” and about the alleged growth of anti-regime sentiment in Iran.

Franklin, who, in an unrelated matter, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to prison in 2006 for providing classified information on Iran policy to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, passed the information about the alleged Iranian hit squads to a U.S. Special Forces commander in Afghanistan. Although a DIA analyst told the Senate committee that he couldn’t speculate on whether the information had been “truly useful,” Ledeen and Pentagon officials claimed it saved American lives, the committee said.During the Rome meetings, Ghorbanifar also laid out a scheme to overthrow the Iranian regime on a napkin during a late night meeting in a bar. “The plan,” said the Senate committee, “involved the simultaneous disruption of traffic at key intersections leading to Tehran that would create anxiety, work stoppages and other disruptive measures” in a capital city famous for its traffic congestion.

Ghorbanifar asked for $5 million in seed money, Franklin told the committee, and indicated that if the traffic jam plan succeeded, he’d need additional money.

“The proposed funding for, and foreign involvement in, Mr. Ghorbanifar’s plan for regime change were never fully understood,” the Senate committee said.

Nevertheless, Ghorbanifar’s proposals grew more ambitious — and expensive. A February 2002 memo from Assistant Secretary of Defense Peter Rodman referred to an unnamed foreign government’s support for a Ghorbanifar plan that would cost millions of dollars. A later summary referred to contracts “that would assure oil and gas sales in the event of regime change”. The U.S. ambassador to Italy said that DOD officials “were talking about 25 million for some kind of Iran program.”

After Franklin and Rhode returned from the Rome meetings, the Senate report said, two series of events began to unfold in Washington that were typical of the gamesmanship that plagued the Bush administration’s national security team.

“First,” the report said, “State Department and CIA officials attempted to determine what Mr. Ledeen and the DOD representatives had done in Rome, and second, DOD officials debated the next course of action.”

When the CIA and the State Department discovered that Ledeen and Ghorbanifar were involved, they opposed any further contact with the two. Ledeen’s contacts, the Defense Human Intelligence Service concluded, were “nefarious and unreliable,” the Senate committee reported.

According to the report, Ledeen, however, persisted, presenting then-Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith with a new 100-day plan to provide, among other things, evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction that supposedly had been moved to Iran — Saddam Hussein’s archenemy. This time, the report said, Ledeen solicited support from former speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich and from three then-GOP senators, Sam Brownback of Kansas, Jon Kyl of Arizona and Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania.

Rhode and Ghorbanifar met again in Paris in June 2003 with at least the tacit approval of an official in Cheney’s office, the Senate report said.

He reported back to officials in the Pentagon and the vice president’s office, but “there is no indication that the information collected during the Paris meeting was shared with the Intelligence Community for a determination of potential intelligence value,” the report said.

McClatchy Newspapers 2008

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